The gender gap in earnings and rewards remains persistent across many professional and managerial work contexts. In these settings, where there are few objective criteria for performance and ...organizational mechanisms are weak, we propose that personal political values can serve as a powerful influence on whether supervisors reduce or enhance inequalities in performance-based rewards. We develop theory about how political liberalism versus conservatism affects supervisors' perceptions and allocative decision-making. Combining internal personnel and billings data with publicly available political donation records in a large law firm, we test the effect of political ideology among supervising law firm partners on the performance-based bonuses awarded to male and female subordinate lawyers. We find the male–female gender gap in performance-based pay is reduced for professional workers tied to liberal supervisors, relative to conservative supervisors. We further find this political ideology effect increases for workers with greater seniority in the organization. Our findings contribute to an understanding of the determinants of the gender earnings gap, suggesting that, in settings where managers have leeway over rewards and careers, their personal political beliefs have an important influence on outcomes for male and female workers.
Informed by family language policy (FLP) as the theoretical framework, I illustrate in this paper how language ideologies can be incongruous and language policies can be conflicting through three ...multilingual families in Singapore representing three major ethnic groups - Chinese, Malay and Indian. By studying their family language audits, observing their language practices, and engaging in conversations about their language ideologies, I look at what these families do and do not do and what they claim to do and not to do. Data were collected over a period of 6 months with more than 700 minutes of recording of actual interactions. Analysis of the data reveals that language ideologies are 'power-inflected' and tend to become the source of educational and social tensions which in turn shape family language practices. In Singapore these tensions are illustrated by the bilingual policy recognising mother tongues (MTs) and English as official languages, and its educational policy establishing English as the medium of instruction. The view of English as having instrumental values and MTs as having cultural functions reveals that language choices and practices in family domains are value-laden in everyday interactions and explicitly negotiated and established through FLP.
We hypothesized that because Covid-19 (C19) remains an urgent and visible threat, efforts to combat its negative health consequences have become moralized. This moralization of health-based efforts ...may generate asymmetries in judgement, whereby harmful by-products of those efforts (i.e., instrumental harm) are perceived as more acceptable than harm resulting from non-C19 efforts, such as prioritizing the economy or non-C19 issues. We tested our predictions in two experimental studies. In Study 1, American participants evaluated the same costs (public shaming, deaths and illnesses, and police abuse of power) as more acceptable when they resulted from efforts to minimize C19's health impacts, than when they resulted from non-health C19 efforts (e.g., prioritizing economic costs) or efforts unrelated to C19 (e.g., reducing traffic deaths). In Study 2, New Zealand participants less favorably evaluated the quality of a research proposal empirically questioning continuing a C19 elimination strategy in NZ than one questioning abandoning an elimination strategy, although both proposals contained the same amount of methodology information. This finding suggests questioning elimination approaches is morally condemned, a similar response to that found when sacred values are questioned. In both studies, condition effects were mediated by lowered moral outrage in response to costs resulting from pursuing health-minded C19 efforts. Follow-up analyses revealed that both heightened personal concern over contracting C19 and liberal ideology were associated with greater asymmetries in human cost evaluation. Altogether, results suggest efforts to reduce or eliminate C19 have become moralized, generating asymmetries in evaluations of human suffering.
The main purpose of this paper is to better understand how sustainability rating agencies, through discourse, promote an "ideology of numbers" that ultimately aims to establish a regime of ...normalization governing social and environmental performance. Drawing on Thompson's (Ideology and modern culture: Critical social theory in the era of mass communication, 1990) modes of operation of ideology, we examine the extent to which, and how, the ideology of numbers is reflected on websites and public documents published by a range of sustainability rating agencies. Our analysis indicates that the ideology of numbers promotes a relatively narrow vision of corporate social and environmental responsibility. That is, it establishes some areas of visibility while leaving in the shadow certain aspects of the ways in which companies fulfill, or fail to meet, their social and environmental responsibilities. The ideology of numbers also exerts power by identifying those companies that are deemed to be worthy of inclusion, or not, in a supposedly socially responsible corporate elite.
Much has been said on migration in current scholarly discourses within and multi-disciplinary debates. But no sufficient input has been generated towards the discourse from a religious perspective, ...albeit extremely needed insofar as people migrate with their religion. This inquiry examines the interplay between reciprocity and migration from a religious perspective using primary and secondary source analysis. It also suggests that cultivating religions’ cultural ideology of positive, responsible and balanced reciprocity in a societal relationship based on mutual benefits mediates a healthy co-existence between the native and the migrants despite their invariably differing and competing religions. Such reciprocity could be spawned through the sacred texts of religions that espouse either general or positive balanced reciprocity. In the course of the analysis, the work brings the Golden Rule into focus as the best candidate for a test case.
This study is an attempt to pragmatically reveal how sarcasm is used by D. Trump to express and represent racism as an ideology in discourse. Trump’s Announcement Speech is purposefully chosen as the ...data of the current study because it is believed that issues related to racism are revealed through this speech. In other words, the study analyzes the pragmatic strategies used by President D. Trump in some excerpts taken from his speech where the expression of racism by the use of sarcasm is expected
Mainstream media sources have recently heightened public awareness to a phenomenon known as Russian troll farms. This research thematically analyzes “Kremlin troll” use and its variations found in ...user comments on a leading Lithuanian news portal. The main findings of this study indicate that “Kremlin troll” was used in two oppositional themes. The first one reveals accusations of paid commentators as “Kremlin trolls.” The second, in contrast, counter-argues “Kremlin troll” accusations through rebuttal. Sarcasm and humor, e.g., by emergence of self-identification as a “Kremlin troll” furthermore downplays the “Kremlin troll” accusations and reclaims uncertainty of who is the real troll.Even if the offensive and defensive tactics might seem rather similar to overall Internet troll tactics found in the previous online research, the unique side of “Kremlin troll” use was the emergence of ideological trolling, charged with accusations of some commentators being paid by a foreign government, thus referring to “Kremlin trolling” as a form of astroturfing. We conclude that “Kremlin troll” in this study exemplifies politically charged ideological trolling, rather than the mere subcultural phenomenon that is prevalent in English-language contexts.
This qualitative study examined the role of different languages used in the country in the lives of 12 participants from the four main ethnic groups of Sri Lanka (i.e., Sinhalese, Tamil, Muslim, and ...Burgher). It sought to understand how monolingual language policies have impacted upon the country's plurilingual language ecology. The study examined the language ideologies of participants to understand how structures of social power have worked through monolingual language policies to influence and shape their language behaviors and practices. While the impact that language policies have had on different Sri Lankan languages has been examined, no study has analyzed it through the point of view of language ideologies of actual speakers of different languages. The observations made by the participants show that the monolingual ideologies of the language policies of 1832 and 1956, by assigning sole official language status to English and Sinhala respectively, have caused them to gain dominance and diminished the status of other languages, thereby altering the plurilingual language ecology of Sri Lanka. Their observations also showed how the 1956 policy's establishment of Sinhala as the dominant language within the language ecology of the country had elevated the position of the majority community—the Sinhalese, and strengthened the power of the then government which had ridden into power through the Sinhalese majority vote. The analysis of data also indicated that, although the 1956 policy was implemented with the aim of dismantling the structures of power introduced during colonial rule, both policies have served to support and reinforce a social hierarchy based on a Western model. What the data revealed about the role that the two monolingual language policies of 1832 and 1956 seem to have played in establishing and reinforcing the dominance of Sinhala and English respectively, suggest that although political subjugation of the country by European powers has officially ended, Sri Lanka continues to operate within the structures of power established during colonial times.
සාරාංශය
ශ්රී ලංකාවේ ප්රධාන ජනවර්ග හතර (එනම්: සිංහල, දෙමළ, මුස්ලිම් සහ බර්ගර්) නියෝජනය කර සහභාගිවූවන් දොලොස් දෙනෙකුගෙන්, රටේ භාවිත විවිධ භාෂාවන්හි කාර්යභාරය අධ්යනය කිරීම මෙම ගුණාත්මක අධ්යනය මගින් සිදු කරන ලදී. එමගින් ඒකභාෂික ප්රතිපත්ති රටේ බහුභාෂික පරිසරයට බලපා ඇත්තේ කවර ආකාරයෙන්ද යන්න පිළිබඳව අවබෝධකර ගැනීම අපේක්ෂා කරන ලදී. සිය භාෂා චර්යාවන් සහ පරිචයන් සඳහා බලපෑම් ඇති කිරීමට සහ හැඩගස්වා ගැනීම සඳහා ඒකභාෂික ප්රතිපත්ති හරහා සමාජ බල ව්යුහයන් කෙසේ කටයුතු කරනු ලැබ ඇත්ද යන්න අවබෝධ කර ගැනීම සඳහා මේ සඳහා සහභාගීවූවන්ගේ භාෂා දෘෂ්ඨිවාදයන් මෙම අධ්යනය මගින් විමර්ශනය කරන ලදී. ශ්රී ලංකාවේ විවිධ භාෂාවන් පිළිබඳව භාෂා ප්රතිපත්තිය සිදු කර ඇති බලපෑම සම්බන්ධයෙන් අධ්යනය කර ඇති අතර, කිසිදු අධ්යනයක් විවිධ භාෂා සැබෑ වශයෙන්ම වහරන්නන්ගේ භාෂා දෘෂ්ඨිවාදයන්හි මතය පදනම් කරගෙන ඒ පිළිබඳ විශ්ලේෂණය කර නොමැත. එකම රාජ්ය භාෂාව පිළිවෙලින් ඉංග්රීසි සහ සිංහල භාෂාවන් වෙත ලබාදෙමින්, 1832 සහ 1956 භාෂා ප්රතිපත්තිවල ඒකභාෂික දෘෂ්ඨිවාදය, ප්රමුඛත්වයක් ලබා ගැනීමට හේතුවී ඇති බවත් වෙනත් භාෂාවල තත්වය පහත දමා ඇති බවත් එමගින් ශ්රී ලංකාවේ බහුභාෂික පරිසරය වෙනස් කර ඇති බවත් මේ සඳහා සහභාගීවූවන් විසින් සිදුකරන ලද නිරීක්ෂණ මගින් පෙනී යයි. රටේ භාෂා පරිසරය තුළ සිංහල ප්රමුඛ භාෂාව ලෙස 1956 භාෂා ප්රතිපත්තිය තුළින් ස්ථාපනය කිරීම මගින් බහුතර සිංහල ප්රජාවගේ තත්වය ඉහලට ඔසවා ඇති ආකාරයත් බහුතර සිංහල ඡන්දයෙන් බලයට පත්වූ එවක රජයේ බලය ශක්තිමත් කර ඇති ආකාරයද ඔවුන්ගේ නිරීක්ෂණ මගින් පෙන්නුම් කෙරේ. යටත් විජිත පාලන කාලය තුළ හඳුන්වාදෙන ලද බල ව්යුහයන් බිඳ දැමීමේ අරමුණින් 1956 ප්රතිපත්තිය ක්රියාත්මක වුවද, එම ප්රතිපත්ති දෙකම බටහිර ආකෘතියක් මත පදනම්ව සමාජ ධූරාවලියක් සඳහා සහාය දැක්වීමටත් එය ශක්තිමත් කිරීමටත් යොදා ඇති බව ද දත්ත විශ්ලේෂණය මගින් පෙන්වාදී ඇත. 1832 සහ 1956 ඒකභාෂික ප්රතිපත්ති දෙක පිළිවෙලින් සිංහල සහ ඉංග්රීසි භාෂාවල ඒකාධිපතිත්වය ස්ථාපිත කිරීමට මෙන්ම ශක්තිමත් කිරීමට ඉටුකළ කාර්යභාරය මගින් යුරෝපීය බලවතුන් විසින් රට දේශපාලනිකව යටත් කරගැනීම නිළ වශයෙන් අවසන් කර ඇති බව අනුමාන කලද, යටත් විජිත කාල සීමාව තුළ ස්ථාපිත බල ව්යුහයන් තුළ ශ්රී ලංකාව අඛණ්ඩව කටයුතු කරමින් සිටියි.
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