Objectives The authors of the study set themselves the goal of presenting the art of diplomacy, which, has long history, in the case of India to the philosopher Kautilya, and understood to be skilful ...negotiation, requiring high competences in various areas of the state's functioning. Answer the question to what extent does India's contemporary diplomacy bring positive effects in the current politics and in the international arena, particularly in its economy and business. Material and methods Subject literature Application of one of the methods used in sociological sciences, which is content analysis (literature on the subject) Results It turns out that the language of diplomacy is used to achieve goals through dialogue, using arguments for and against, in order to achieve the intended consensus. High competences, and the ability to communicate diplomatically, serve to support political and economic activities, often guaranteeing satisfactory results for the parties to the dialogue. India is an example of a country that, taking advantage of various forms of diplomacy, has achieved many benefits in recent decades, not only political but also in business. For, on the one hand, there is the avoidance of armed conflicts (although there is still tension between India and Pakistan) and upholding peace and security, on the other hand, there is the achievement of intensive economic development and success in business. Conclusions The study confirms once again that, today, the art of diplomacy is gaining a much broader understanding, because in the optics of these activities we find not only political , but also economic and business overtures, as well as a broadly understood culture. Nevertheless, the above mentioned creator of the art of diplomacy, Kautilya (Chanakya) and his thoughts and postulates, seem to be valid still.
Michael I, the last king of Romania (July 20, 1927 - June 8, 1930; September 6, 1940 - December 30, 1946), went into exile on December 30, 1947, and Romania came under a communist regime. ...Consequently, until 1989, Romanian historiography uncritically portrayed the Hohenzollern Sigmaringen monarchy, which had ruled Romania between 1866 and 1947, exaggerating its defects and failures and utterly disputing any kind of merits. Furthermore, state censorship prevented interwar publications about the lives of Romanian monarchs, their written memoirs or those of politicians of that time. Following 1989, the role of the Romanian monarchy was critically reassessed, gradually attempting to provide an unbiased appraisal of this institution. Censorship was lifted, allowing access to archives and the publication of memoirs by Kings Carol I, Carol II, Michael I, Queen Marie and Prince Nicholas, and numerous Romanian political leaders responsible for the country's fate in the first half of the twentieth century. After the romantic era when these memoirs were regarded as “forbidden fruits” until 1989, apparently revealing only true events, a critical reconsideration of the monarchy’s role in Romania, particularly of the controversial King Carol II, followed. The five volumes of the major work under consideration represent the “peak” of the recent critical reassessment of King Charles II’s position and contribution to the history of Romanians and, to a limited extent, to the history of South Eastern Europe.
The article analyses the features of Canadian internal policy on public activities of Ukrainian immigrants in the interwar period. The regulations of the Canadian legislation governing this activity ...are characterized. This regulation directly reflected the attitude of the country`s ruling circles towards national minorities. It was carried out within the framework of the Companies Act of 1917. All public organizations that wished to become legal had to obtain a charter from the government, i. e. official permission to expand their activities. Charters issued by the Secretary of State of Canada gave the right to found departments and indicated the territorial boundaries of the formation of societies. The article also outlines the possibilities of creation and functioning of public organizations. It is clarified whether the legislation of the country influenced the development of Ukrainian social and political associations and in what way. The activity of banned communities is investigated and the reasons why they have lost their legal character are identified. In general, there was no prejudice from the part of the Canadian authorities towards the work of Ukrainian public organizations in 1918-1939. The main condition was that their activities did not endanger the security of the country`s citizens and state regime. Ukrainian social and political associations of the interwar period were liberal, nationalist, conservative, socialist and communist. Most of them functioned without any hindrance from the Canadian government officials, and only the far-left were closely monitored by the authorities. It was because of their incitement of the population to workers` strikes, their plans to change the state regime of Canada and the desire for world revolution.
This article aims to analyse the implementation of internal policy on Civil Servant Officer work performance at IAIN Sultan Amai Gorontalo. Internal policy is an urgent item in leading an institution ...because it guarrantes the individual work performance. The workers will get their good work performance since the internal policy lies on worker side. The method of this research was qualitative descriptive by using field observation and interview as data collection. The data were analyzed into three steps, namely data reduction, data display, and data conclusion. The participants of this research were five administration staff, three lecturers, and five students. It used purposive sampling. The result showed that the implementation of internal policy at IAIN Sultan Amai Gorontalo was not effective. It caused by three problems. Firstly, it is lack of evaluation during the internal policy implemented and after it was implemented. Secondly, it is lack of coordination among stakeholders and the workers (administration staff, lecturers, and the students). Thirdly, it is lack of collaboration among stakeholder and staffs.
Objective/context: The article analyzes the connection between the internal conditions of Cuba and the advancement of its foreign policy, in the context of a transition of power. Methodology: The ...research is exploratory, through the inductive method, based on a content analysis, applying a grammar-based analysis unit to an intentional sample composed of speeches, institutional and press documents. Conclusions: The analysis evidences a complex internal situation, which forces the government to weigh changes and, in turn, imposes a pragmatic logic on foreign policy to support the system. The pace of transformations in the model will have to accelerate, before the political, social and economic reforms work. Originality: The scientific literature on Cuba that analyzes the impact of domestic policy on its foreign policy is very scarce. This research contributes in this regard and sheds light on a national context that assimilates the transformations and immobilities of power.
Political telegram-channels play an important role in maintaining political decision making and shaping the public agenda in modern Russia. Both features of the messenger itself (convenience, a low ...barrier to entry, a short “shoulder” of communication) and the specifics of the political system of modern Russia together with the predominance of non-public policy have prompted political elites to use indirect communication and anonymous instruments of political struggle. Furthermore, political telegram-channels are in demand as an instrument of expert communication and reflection about the current political situation. The purpose of the research is to analyse the features of political and expert communication in telegram-channels in Russia. It is concluded that, despite the objective predominance of manipulative content, telegram-channels form a special expert ecosystem, a kind of “distributed think tank” which analyses Russian internal political and international agenda in real time. Experts and analytical centres use telegram-channels to communicate their position both to decision makers and the general public. The main problem with the use of telegram-channels as an expert network and “distributed think tank” is to distinguish between manipulative and expert components. A widespread phenomenon of “formative analytics” (manipulative content which pretends to be an expertise) take place in telegram-channels. To solve this problem, we offer analytical tools that require high professional skills in working with information from a researcher, as well as the use of the professional reputation of the sources within the real expert community.
Purpose
– This paper aims at identifying factors that might affect academic patent activities. It investigates the characteristics of universities acting on the number of academic patents, thus ...classifying elements of differentiation among universities able to determine the level of patent activity.
Design/methodology/approach
– Three hypotheses are tested through a regression analysis, considering various academic variables.
Findings
– Results demonstrate that the patent activity is mainly influenced by the presence of universities’ internal policies that regulate such a field. The adoption of a regulation is a signal for academics of the university inclination and attempt to develop an environment conducive to patent activities, and to offer structured support to inventors in the different phases of the patenting process.
Research limitations
– The study, as it focuses on a single country, Italy, may reflect some peculiarities of the national system. Future research may extend it to different geographical areas in which institutional and environmental factors are different, or, maintaining the geographical location, study the impact of institutional factors to the change over time in the rate of patenting universities.
Originality/value
– Unlike the great number of studies which focus on institutional factors affecting university patent activity, the present study explores the academic elements able to valorize and exploit scientific knowledge, providing also a practical guidance for university governance.
Анализируются обстоятельства постановки, обсуждения и решения в 1870–1890‑х гг. правительственными верхами Российской империи вопроса об оказании материальной помощи «обедневшему» грузинскому ...дворянству. Этот вопрос был поднят в 1878 г. наместником на Кавказе великим князем Михаилом Николаевичем в связи с обнаружившейся большой задолженностью части грузинских дворян Закавказскому приказу общественного призрения. Наместник просил сложить долг в размере 3 млн руб., указывая на ряд объективных факторов, препятствовавших дворянам своевременно расплачиваться по нему. Но Кавказский комитет согласился простить грузинским дворянам только не выплаченные ими за несколько лет платежи по процентам взятых ссуд. Даже усилия наместника, лично обращавшегося к Александру II, не дали результата, поскольку правительственные верхи в этот период равнодушно относились к «дворянскому вопросу», но жестко защищали интересы казны ввиду плачевного состояния финансов империи после Русско-турецкой войны 1877–1878 гг. Только смена политического курса при Александре III позволила новому главному начальнику Кавказа А. М. Дондукову-Корсакову снова поднять вопрос о материальной поддержке грузинского дворянства. Подробно анализируется работа созванной Дондуковым в Тифлисе комиссии князя Г. Д. Орбелиани. Особое внимание сфокусировано на борьбе, развернувшейся между министром финансов Н. Х. Бунге и Дондуковым, который в итоге добился в 1884 г. не только дарования грузинским дворянам значительных льгот при погашении долгов перед государственным казначейством, но также открытия в Тифлисе в 1890 г. отделения Дворянского земельного банка. Дондуков смог убедить императора и правительственные верхи в том, что оказание помощи грузинским дворянам является органичной частью такого ключевого для внутренней политики Александра III направления, как поддержка российского поместного дворянства.
This book argues that Putin's strategy for rebuilding the state was fundamentally flawed. Taylor demonstrates that a disregard for the way state officials behave toward citizens - state quality - had ...a negative impact on what the state could do - state capacity. Focusing on those organizations that control state coercion, what Russians call the 'power ministries', Taylor shows that many of the weaknesses of the Russian state that existed under Boris Yeltsin persisted under Putin. Drawing on extensive field research and interviews, as well as a wide range of comparative data, the book reveals the practices and norms that guide the behavior of Russian power ministry officials (the so-called siloviki), especially law enforcement personnel. By examining siloviki behavior from the Kremlin down to the street level, State Building in Putin's Russia uncovers the who, where and how of Russian state building after communism.
The present article studies the views of the godfather of Glasnost, CPSU Central Committee Secretary Alexander N. Yakovlev (1923-2005), and how they evolved during the Perestroika period in the ...second half of the 1980s. The author analyzes Yakovlev's positions on issues of Soviet ideology at the beginning of Perestroika, arguing that at that time his statements on the need for radical improvement of ideological work did not differ from the views of other party leaders. Yakovlev's personal biography shaped his interpretation of important events of twentieth-century Russian history; he had fought in the Great Patriotic war and participated in the work of the 20th Party Congress and in the Commission of the CPSU Central Committee for the rehabilitation of victims of political repression. Yakovlev became the target of critique from the leaders of the newly created Communist party of the RSFSR, as well as from conservative CPSU members, in particular during the XVIII Party Congress in the summer of 1990; they criticized Yakovlev's work in the Central Committee of the CPSU and the extent of his influence on M.S. Gorbachev. The article traces changes in Yakovlev's assessments of the socialist formation, of Marxism, and of the political and legal structure of the CPSU. The author identifies a direct link between the problems of social and political life in the Soviet Union and changes in Yakovlev's public statements. This analysis leads to the conclusion that Yakovlev's influence on the President of the USSR, M.S. Gorbachev, was not as big as sometimes assumed. Since the beginning of 1991, Yakovlev's influence was gradually declining, and on the eve of the August putsch it reached its lowest point. The article is based on Yakovlev's published articles and public speeches as well as on archival materials from his personal fund that is preserved in the State Archive of the Russian Federation.
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