Članak analizira podružnicu Narodne banke izgrađenu 1935.-1936. na dubrovačkim Pilama. Promatra se u kontekstu međuratne arhitekture Dubrovnika, Jugoslavije i opusa Bogdana Nestorovića za Narodnu ...banku. Povremeno komentirana u znanstvenoj historiografiji, ova reprezentativna palača zaslužuje podrobniji monografski osvrt.
This paper is dedicated to the branch of the National Bank built between 1935 and 1936 in Dubrovnik. It is analyzed in the context of Dubrovnik architecture between the wars, Yugoslavia and Bogdan Nestorović’s opus for the National Bank. So far, this representative palace has been occasionally mentioned in the scientific historiography.
U svojem mišljenju u predmetu Congregación de Escuelas Pías Provincia Betania nezavisna odvjetnica Juliane Kokott zaključila je kako bi Kraljevina Španjolska morala poduzeti sve odgovarajuće korake ...za otklanjanje neusklađenosti Sporazuma o gospodarskim pitanjima sklopljenog između Kraljevine Španjolske i Svete Stolice s pravom Europske unije. Pritom, kao krajnju opciju, predlaže otkaz Sporazuma koji bi pokrenula Španjolska. Cilj ovog rada je istražiti pravnu provedivost ovog prijedloga kao i druge načine prestanka važenja toga sporazuma s aspekta međunarodnog prava, ali i s aspekta prava Europske unije. Štoviše, u radu će se pokazati zašto ta opcija ne bi bila prihvatljiva niti za Ugovore koje je Republika Hrvatska sklopila sa Svetom Stolicom. Ovakva neprovedivost proizlazi iz relevantnih odredaba Bečke konvencije o pravu međunarodnih ugovora kao i Ugovora o funkcioniranju Europske unije.
In her opinion on the case Congregación de Escuelas Pías Provincia Betania, independent lawyer Juliane Kokott has concluded that the Kingdom of Spain ought to take all necessary steps to eliminate existing incompatibility of the Treaty on Economic Issues between the Kingdom of Spain and the Holy See with the legislation of the European Union. In relation to that and as a final option, she proposes the termination of the Treaty that Spain should initiate. The aim of this article is to study the legal feasibility of this proposal, as well as of other ways in which the aforementioned treaty could be terminated, from the perspective of the international law and the legislation of the European Union. The article also will show why that option would not be acceptable in the case of the Treaty that the Republic of Croatia signed with the Holy See. This infeasibility stems from the relevant clauses of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treatises as well as from the Treaty on Functioning of the European Union.
U članku se, na osnovu arhivske građe i relevantne literature, razmatra organizacija, formacija i delovanje jedinica roda inžinjerije u jugoslovenskoj vojsci u periodu 1918–1941. godine, tačnije do ...početka Aprilskog rata. Reč je o tehničkom rodu vojske koji je za obezbeđenje borbenih dejstava koristio savremena dostignuća nauke i tehnike u meri koja je bila dostupna tadašnjoj vojsci. Kroz inžinjerijske radove i obuku regruta može se posmatrati i jedan od aspekata uloge vojske u modernizaciji društva.
The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes / Yugoslavia was not a major subject of the operational activities (main operational objective) of the Polish military intelligence. Nonetheless, due to the ...implemented and planned strategic projects related to national defence, assignments were made to collect data, primarily on the military potential of the country, its politics towards neighbouring states, and the possibility of selling Polish arms to it. There is no doubt that the leadership of Poland and the intelligence officers were interested in the secret expansion of the Yugoslav army and its political and military relations with Czechoslovakia and Romania within the frame of its obligations as part of the Little Entente. The analysed documents show that the Polish army saw Yugoslavia as a state with complicated internal relations that seeks to preserve the Versailles order and has numerous scholarly and cultural ties with Poland. On the other hand, they detected Yugoslavia’s sympathy for Russia, Czechoslovakia, and Germany as well as its numerous White Guard diaspora, which was seen as an element infiltrated there by the Bolsheviks, and this certainly also influenced the decision that the Kingdom of Yugoslavia should be included in the intelligence activities of the Management of Intelligence and Reconnaissance Intelligence (P2) in order to evaluate its politics and military capabilities.
The paper presents the state of railway traffic in the coastal belt of the Independent State of Croatia (Nezavisna Država Hrvatska, NDH) and the railway lines that connected that area with Zagreb and ...the rest of the NDH. These lines were the Zagreb–Rijeka (Fiume) line, the Lika line from Zagreb to Split, and the Bosnian narrow gauge line from Brod na Savi via Sarajevo to Mostar and Dubrovnik. In early September 1941, the Italian army took over command of the civilian and military NDH authorities in the coastal zone, and accordingly over the rail lines in that area. Relations between the NDH and Kingdom of Italy were formally those of close alliance and cooperation. In reality, however, the fact that the Italians annexed certain parts of Croatian coastal territory in May 1941 as well as the Italian occupation of the coastal zone caused mutual distrust and disagreements between the Italians and the NDH regime. Such relations were also visible in the railway traffic, where Italians often assumed command and control without consulting the Croatian State Railways.Already during late 1941, the Partisan movement directed its attacks on railway communications. Partisans committed hundreds of attacks on railway and trains, and soon traffic was heavily disrupted and limited on all railway lines connecting the coastal belt with Zagreb and the hinterland. In early 1943, Italian troops withdrew from Lika, and Partisans quickly took control over that region. After that, the Lika railway from Zagreb to Dalmatia was cut, and it did not become operational until after the war. After the Italian armistice with the Allies and the disintegration of Italian troops in the NDH and areas annexed in 1941, the Zagreb–Rijeka line was also cut. Only the Bosnian narrow gauge line remained operational as a link between the coastal parts of the NDH and its hinterland. In fact, because of the attacks on other railway lines, already from late 1941 the NDH authorities were redirecting the traffic to the Zagreb–Rijeka line (or Zagreb–Ljubljana–Rijeka line), and transports that arrived to Rijeka were then shipped by sea to ports in the Croatian Littoral and Dalmatia.
Using archival data, press articles, and historiographical and memoir literature, this paper reconstructs biographical details from the life of Edo Marković, agronomist, civil servant, member of the ...National Council of Slovenes, Croats, and Serbs, Rotary Club activist, and general manager of the state monopoly company for the purchase and export of agricultural produce. The life philosophy of Edo Marković, which could be described in brief as opposition to inertia and authority, led him from his early childhood into temptations, which he overcame by following his intuition. They included identity dilemmas, education, political experimentation, and a principled determination to ‘serve the homeland, not the government’. Thanks to the organisational skills he displayed during World War I, his later banking career, the international reputation he enjoyed in the highest Freemason and Rotary circles, the crown of which was his position in the League of Nations, he acted more like an expert than a politician. Even though he was a member of several political organisations, he continued to adhere to the ideology of his old company, grown from the Croatian-Serbian Coalition. His Rotary enthusiasm outweighed the dashed hopes about the future of the Yugoslav state, and contributed to a sort of internal escapism and turn towards international activism. The affinity of Marković’s children for left-wing ideas, despite their material status, was certainly fostered by the opinions of their father, who afforded them a comprehensive education, thus allowing them to independently form their views on how the Russian Revolution went astray, the consequences of the Nazi rise to power, and the characteristics of Anglo-Saxon civilisation. The close links of Edo Marković with Czechoslovakia were the consequence of inter-Rotary cooperation, his loyalty to the concept of the Little Entente, and his promotion of the controversial Yugoslav-Czechoslovak ‘grain arrangements’, for which he was often criticised.
The high social standing of Edo Markocić was not immanent to the agrarian topics that he was preoccupied with from his student days until his death. However, his radical idea about the emancipation of national agriculture from foreign markets through the industrialisation of passive areas and the exploitation of their natural resources exposed him to accusations of ‘agrarian defeatism’ and treason. Apart from complaints about his staff policy, extravagance, and compulsive hoarding of war reserves, the sources used do not point towards any financial malfeasance on his part, which his predecessors at the head of the Privileged Export Society (PRIZAD) were notorious for. Indeed, due to his Jewish ancestry, Marković was subjected to additional attacks in the press, which, generalising his affiliation to the stratum of ‘Austro-Hungarian banking masters’, futilely attempted to discredit him regarding the purchase and export of grain and opium. Unlike his conflict with national interest groups, which was the consequence of his compliance with American demands for a more restrictive opium policy, Marković’s ‘lack of tact’, based on his political and ethical beliefs, made him an unreliable partner of the Yugoslav military command on the eve of the new war and a hinderance in the German ‘supplementary economic area’. If the official version of his murder is to be believed, Edo Marković died because he had raised his daughters in the spirit of liberalism, which eventually led to their active support of the Communists, and provoked the police raid in which he was killed. On the other hand, Marković, as a Freemason, Rotarian, ‘Christianised Jew’, anglophile, and opponent of economic cooperation with the Third Reich, was a perfect target for Nazi Germany, whose intelligence service had successfully infiltrated Yugoslavia. In both cases, Edo Marković became a victim of that which had preoccupied him from his earliest days, but which he had simultaneously avoided – politics.
U radu se na temelju arhivskog gradiva prikazuje osnutak Saveza gradova Kraljevine SHS, njegov ustroj i djelovanje, te transformacija u Savez gradova Kraljevine Jugoslavije u doba diktature kralja ...Aleksandra. Rekonstruirani su odnosi i različit stupanj utjecaja pojedinih gradova, kao i problemi ujednačavanja zakonodavnog okvira što nije bilo sustavno riješeno sve do donošenja Zakona
o gradskim općinama 1934. godine. Do donošenja tog pravnog akta, aktivnost Saveza bila je prvenstveno usmjerena na zagovaranje vlastitih prijedloga kao optimalnih rješenja u reguliranju odnosa države i lokalnih gradskih uprava, a u kasnijem razdoblju fokusirana je uglavnom na tehničke aspekte komunalnih pitanja u čijem je rješavanju Savez postao transmisija državnih vlasti. Savez
gradova Kraljevine Jugoslavije, koji se u svojim počecima ponosio bar prividnim opredjeljenjem za decentralizirani model upravljanja, potkraj tridesetih gubi te odlike i svoje sjedište, nakon deset godina u Zagrebu, premješta u Beograd. Posljedica te transformacije bila je dekonstrukcija Saveza nakon uspostave Banovine Hrvatske i stvaranje zasebne hrvatske, slovenske i srpske organizacija gradova.
Jugoslavenska ideja je u hrvatskoj politici različito operacionalizirana ovisno o promjeni šireg političkog konteksta. Narodna stranka je u drugoj polovici 19. st, smatrala da Hrvatska i Srbija ...trebaju preuzeti ulogu okupljanja južnoslavenskih naroda u Habsburškoj monarhiji i Osmanskom carstvu, ali je pitanje pripadnosti Bosne i Hercegovine nakon njezine okupacije od strane Austro-Ugarske 1878. i pristupanja Srbije savezu s Austro-Ugarskom (1881.) izazvalo sukob hrvatske i srpske politike. Nakon izlaska Srbije iz saveza s Austro-Ugarskom (1903.) u Hrvatskoj je oblikovana politika novog kursa koja je polazila od shvaćanja da je Njemačka glavna prepreka ukidanju dualističkog sustava u Habsburškoj monarhiji koji Hrvatsku drži u podčinjenom položaju te je u samostalnoj Srbiji vidjela glavnog čimbenika u politici oslobađanja i ujedinjavanja južnoslavenskih naroda. Nakon izbijanja rata 1914. hrvatski političari okupljeni u Jugoslavenskom odboru zastupali su stajalište da se hrvatsko pitanje može riješiti samo rušenjem Habsburške monarhije i ujedinjenjem njezinih južnoslavenskih zemalja sa Srbijom, a Srbija je kao ratni cilj imala okupljanje zemalja naseljenih srpskim stanovništvom. Sile Antante nisu u rat stupile s ciljem rušenja Habsburške monarhije, već su bile spremne na teritorijalne kompenzacije svojim saveznicima Italiji i Srbiji na račun Monarhije i njezinih hrvatskih zemalja. Zbog opasnosti da Hrvatska nakon pobjede sila Antante bude podijeljena između Austro-Ugarske, Italije i Srbije Jugoslavenski odbor je zahtijevao da Srbija prihvati „cjelovito rješenje jugoslavenskog pitanja“. Srbija je Krfskom deklaracijom (1917.) prihvatila program ujedinjenja južnoslavenskih zemalja Austro-Ugarske sa Srbijom, ali ne i federalističko uređenje buduće države. U vrijeme raspada Habsburške monarhije 1918. Hrvatski sabor je proglasio samostalnost Hrvatske i donio odluku o njezinu pristupanju državi južnoslavenskih naroda, a Narodno vijeće je proglasilo stvaranje Države Slovenaca, Hrvata i Srba na teritoriju Habsburške monarhije. Delegacija Narodnog vijeća je u Beogradu pod pritiskom odustala od zahtjeva Narodnog vijeća o očuvanju političke ravnopravnosti dvaju ujedinjenih dijelova nove države.
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Provider: - Institution: - Data provided by Europeana Collections- All metadata published by Europeana are available free of restriction under the Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal Public Domain ...Dedication. However, Europeana requests that you actively acknowledge and give attribution to all metadata sources including Europeana
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