Članak obrađuje pitanje aktualnosti »stare« političke teologije njemačkog jurista Carla Schmitta koja, upriličena kao »sociologija juridičkih pojmova«, a potom i kao »stasiologija«, potkrjepljuje ...njegovu decizionističku teoriju države i realpolitičku teoriju međunarodnih odnosa. Autor se u tome ponajprije oslanja na znanstveni rad istaknutog hrvatskog politologa Davora Rodina, koji se i sam dotaknuo iste teme prije više od trideset godina. Uz Rodinovu raščlambu Schmittove kritike liberalne demokracije, posebna pozornost se posvećuje problemu legitimnosti liberalno-demokratskog političkog poretka te važnosti proceduralne uspostave političke vlasti uslijed nesumjerljivosti teorije i prakse. Uvažavajući Rodinov argument da stremljenje k političkoj transcendenciji, to jest, poistovjećivanju »auctoritas« u »potestas«, vodi uspostavi totalitarne države, ovaj članak propituje kako liberalna demokracija danas i u budućnosti može osigurati vjerodostojnost u očima javnosti ponad tek zakonske zaštite ljudskih prava i građanskih sloboda. Ujedno, zagovara aktualnost nove političke teologije Johanna Baptista Metza, koja obrazlože mjesto vjere u svijetu bez nijekanja humanističkog duha i postignuća novovjekovlja.
The article addresses the relevance of the political theology of the German jurist Carl Schmitt, which, formulated as »the sociology of legal concepts«, and also as »stasiology«, underpins his decisionist theory of the state as a plebiscitary democracy and Realpolitik theory of international relations. The author primarily relies on the scientific work of prominent Croatian political scientist Davor Rodin, who himself wrote on the same topic more than thirty years ago. Alongside Rodin’s analysis of Schmitt’s critique of liberal democracy, special attention is paid to the problem of the legitimacy of the liberal-democratic political order and the importance of the procedural formation of government due to the incommensurability of theory and practice. Acknowledging Rodin’s argument that striving for political transcendence, that is, conflating auctoritas with potestas, leads to the establishment of the totalitarian state, this article questions how liberal democracy today and in the future can secure its legitimacy in the eyes of the public beyond purely legal protection of human rights and civil liberties. At the same time, it argues in the favour of the new political theology of Johann Baptist Metz, which tries to explain the relationship of the faith to the world without denying the humanistic spirit and achievements of the modern age.
Bavljenje državom staro je koliko i sama država. Njen nastanak, razvoj i ustavno ustrojstvo pokazuju u kojoj meri je državno pitanje važno u teorijskoj misli. U literaturi postoji veliki broj temata ...u kojima se nastoji objasniti suština državnog pitanja, polazeći od pojedinačnih aspekata njenog funkcionisanja. Čini se da ne postoji autor, u pravnoj i politikološkoj teoriji, koji se nije okušao na ovom polju. Tako je bilo i sa gorostasom naše pravne, politikološke, sociološke, književne, istorijske misli Slobodanom Jovanovićem. On je raspravnim stilom studiozno obradio pitanje države, uvažavajući teorijska dostignuća svojih prethodnika i savremenika. Inspirisan idejama francuskih prosvetitelja, o kojima je takođe pisao, Slobodan Jovanović ukazuje na materijalnu i duhovnu dimenziju unutrašnjeg i spoljašnjeg ustrojstva države. Njegovo izuzetno poznavanje društvenih i političkih prilika u zemlji bilo je inspirativno za predlaganje budućih rešenja važnih državnih pitanja. Time je širina i dubina teorijske misli Slobodana Jovanovića veća, jer čitaoci njegovih dela pred sobom imaju vredno štivo koje prevazilazi prostorne i vremenske okvire. On nije pripadao autorima koji važna teorijska pitanja obrađuju olovno teškim perom, već razgovornim stilom koji omogućava upoznavanje materije širem krugu čitalaca. Zato je s punim pravom profesor Stevan Vračar uvrstio Slobodana Jovanovića u red ličnosti, koje čine dragocenu naučnu baštinu srpskog naroda i države.
The way in which the Republic of Croatia founds the legitimacy of judiciary duties and thereby enhances the rule of law is analyzed in this paper. It is aimed in particular at the legitimacy of ...administrative judges upon resolving administrative disputes and passing judgements. To this aim, the independence of administrative judges is considered as well as the mechanisms to which the independence of judicial powers contribute. Then, the way judges are appointed is analyzed, which results in whether citizens can trust the judges’ expertise and moral values. Also analyzed is the mechanism for establishing the expertise of judges through evaluating judges' implementation of duties. Finally, the legitimacy of administrative judges' decisions is also considered through the composition of the court in first instance administrative judicial decisions and through the trust given by citizens in the resolution of administrative disputes according to the individual judge. How administrative court judges in the Republic of Croatia are appointed and assessed in the same way as judges of other regular or specialized courts and how the question of independent implementation of judicial duties correlates regardless of the court wherein the judge is appointed for judicial duty make up a large part of the conclusions related to all judges in the Republic of Croatia. This paper therefore in some way exceeds the very problem area of rule of law and administrative judge legitimacy.
U radu se analizira na koji način Republika Hrvatska uspostavlja legitimnost sudačke dužnosti i tako jača vladavinu prava. Rad je posebno usmjeren na legitimnost upravnih sudaca pri rješavanju upravnih sporova i izricanju upravne pravde. U tu svrhu posebno se razmatra neovisnost upravnih sudaca te mehanizmi koji doprinose neovisnosti sudbene vlasti uopće. Zatim se analizira način imenovanja sudaca, slijedom čega se zaključuje mogu li građani imati povjerenje u njihovu stručnost i moralne vrijednosti. Analizira se i mehanizam utvrđivanja stručnosti rada sudaca, kroz vrednovanje obavljanja sudačke dužnost. Konačno, legitimnost upravnosudskih odluka razmatra se i kroz sastav suda u prvostupanjskom upravnosudskom odlučivanju te kroz vjeru koju građanima daje rješavanje upravnih sporova po sucu pojedincu. Kako se suci upravnih sudova u Republici Hrvatskoj imenuju i ocjenjuju na isti način kao i suci drugih redovitih ili specijaliziranih sudova te kako pitanje neovisnosti obavljanja sudačke dužnosti korelira bez obzira na sud u kojem je sudac izabran na sudačku dužnost, velik dio zaključaka odnosi se na sve suce u Republici Hrvatskoj, čime ovaj rad na neki način nadilazi samu problematiku vladavine prava i legitimnosti upravnih sudaca.
Članak predstavlja razmatranje Rolsovog koncepta međunarodnih odnosa i analizira pitanja koja su uzrok spornih tumačenja među liberalnim misliocima. Autor polazi od premise da je razlika između ...pravde i legitimnosti ključna, te da može da objasni većinu spornih mesta, kao i osnovnu nameru i domete Rolsovog učenja. Takođe, tvrdi se kako razlika između „razložnog“ i „pristojnog“, koja je značajna promena u njegovoj koncepciji prava naroda, predstavlja direktan odgovor na Habermasovu kritiku. Autor zaključuje razmatranjem koncepata realističke utopije i izmirenja sa društvenim svetom, i tvrdi da je Habermasova koncepcija „skromnije“ uloge filozofije u modernom društvu u velikoj meri uticala na nastanak i razvoj Rolsovih novih ideja.
U tekstu se naglašava središnja uloga staha u razmatranju problema političkog poretka i dokazuje da svaka teorija države i razvijena politička ideologija teži da izbegne kolektivne posledice straha. ...Uprkos njegovoj važnosti, problem straha je bio zanemarivan u glavnim tokovima političke teorije. Autor je ponudio kratku geneaologiju načina na koji se problem straha razmatrao u tradicionalnoj političkoj teoriji, počev od Tukidida. U središtu analize je složeni odnos između poretka, straha i legitimnosti u radovima Giljerma Ferera i njegovog učenika Ištvana Biba. U poslednjem delu teksta autor je pokušao da pokaže kako se o političkoj dinamici Balkana može razmišljati u širim okvirima Fererove političke teorije. On smatra da Fererov pojam kvazilegitimnosti može biti plodan za takvu analizu.
Starting from the political science definition of penal policy as the administering of punishment on subjects related to political power and the organization of the state order, this work seeks to ...provide a contribution to the reconstruction of organized violence and punishment linked to the apparatus of coercion and crimes on the territory of the Republic of Serbian Krajina, a political order established by rebel Serbs in Croatia in the period between 1991 and 1995. The work has two primary functions, historiographical and that of political science. In addition to the analysis of the regulatory and institutional frameworks that were supposed to govern the criminal justice system, this paper empirically reconstructs the work of formal and informal institutions of the Krajina’s penal policy and its “rhythm of crime” on the basis of published sources. The obtained discursive data is interpreted in terms of political theory in order to reconstruct a picture of the relationship between political order and punishment in the observed space and time. Instead of controlling violence and implementing rational punishment, the political order, by its instability and production of political violence, further undermined the loyalty of the population subjected to it.
In this text, consequences of the Croatian referendum for the EU held on January 22, 2012 are analyzed from various standpoints and from the angle of the controversy which it caused in the public, ...but also in the expert and scientific discourse in Croatia. The author first discusses the holding of the referendum in the context of its date-setting, which brought about a dispute between the government and the opposition and a part of the Eurosceptic public. Second, controversy arose regarding participation in the referendum, which is approached here in the context of irregularity accusations. Third, there is the issue of the referendum's legality and legitimacy, and the author draws a comparison with referenda held in other accession countries - not only in the fifth round of enlargement with post-communist and Mediterranean countries, but also in other countries where the referendum did not have a positive outcome. Relying on the available facts and variable analysis related to the referendum, the author then asserts that the Croatian referendum for the EU was undoubtedly successful, that its results, both with regard to the participation and the outcome, were even better than in many post-communist countries of the fifth enlargement. Finally, the reasons for the tardiness of Croatia's EU accession in contrast to the other Middle-European and Eastern-European countries and Slovenia are analyzed. It is viewed as a consequence of wrong political estimations and decisions. The author also focuses on the informational and educational deficit regarding the EU in Croatia, and finds that the Croatian citizens are poorly informed on the EU because of specific decisions of the government. Still, the result of the referendum met with positive reactions of EU political bodies and the member states, which opens up the process of ratification in other EU countries that should lead to full membership of Croatia in the EU on July 1, 2013. PUBLICATION ABSTRACT
Nova Evropa i javni um Mladenović, Ivan
Političke perspektive (Beograd ),
05/2018, Letnik:
6, Številka:
1-2
Journal Article
Odprti dostop
U ovom radu bavimo se pitanjem određenja adekvatne koncepcije legitimnosti za Evropsku uniju. Zastupamo stanovište da u tom pogledu odlučujuću važnost ima ideja javnog uma, kako ju je formulisao Džon ...Rols. Rols je smatrao da ideja javnog uma ima svoju ulogu kako na domaćem planu ustavnih demokratija tako i na međunarodnom planu. Mi ćemo, polazeći od Rolsovih stavova, nastojati da formulišemo adekvatnu koncepciju javnog uma za Evropsku uniju. Ipak, za razliku od Rolsa, koji u međunarodnom kontekstu prvenstveno govori o narodima, argumentovaćemo da osnovu javnog uma Evropske unije treba da čini koncepcija slobodnih i jednakih građana.
Neuspješna europeizacija hrvatske mjesne samouprave Manojlović Toman, Romea; Vukojičić Tomić, Tijana; Koprić, Ivan
Godišnjak Akademije pravnih znanosti Hrvatske,
07/2019, Letnik:
10, Številka:
1
Journal Article, Paper
Odprti dostop
Europski upravni prostor leži na dvjema
skupinama ljudskih prava. Prva promoviraju demokratsku otvorenost i
participaciju građana te jačaju ulaznu legitimnost javne uprave, dok se druga
odnose na ...dobro javno upravljanje i jačaju izlaznu legitimnost uprave. Povelja
o temeljnim pravima koja je sastavni dio Lisabonskog ugovora na snazi od 2009.
daje nužnu pravnu osnovu obiju skupina ljudskih prava. Rad se bavi pitanjem uloge
mjesne samouprave u jačanju EU-standarda otvorenosti, participacije i dobrog
upravljanja. Obrađuju se dva istraživačka pitanja: a) koja
je pravna, a koja stvarna uloga mjesne samouprave u Hrvatskoj, b) može li ona
doprinijeti jačanju ulazne ili izlazne legitimnosti poretka. Analiziraju se opći akti izabranih
gradova o mjesnoj samoupravi te sadržaj internetskih stranica mjesnih odbora
svih hrvatskih gradova. Slijedeći kategorizaciju koju su postavili Hlepas i
drugi (2018.), uz nadopunu u skladu s hrvatskim okolnostima, analiziraju se uloge
hrvatske mjesne samouprave. Na osnovi nalaza i odabranih komparativnih
iskustava interpretira se trenutačno stanje hrvatske mjesne samouprave te se
formuliraju preporuke za unaprjeđenje.
The European administrative space is
based on two groups of human rights. The
first promotes democratic openness and citizen participation, and strengthens
the input legitimacy of public administration, while the other relates to good
public governance and strengthens the output legitimacy of public
administration. The Charter of Fundamental Rights,
which forms an integral part of the Lisbon Treaty in force since 2009, provides
the necessary legal basis for both groups of human rights. The paper deals with
the question of the role of sub-municipal government in strengthening the EU's
standards of openness, participation and good governance. Two research
questions are analyzed: a) what is the legal and actual role of sub-municipal
government in Croatia; and b) can it contribute to strengthening the input or
output legitimacy of public administration? The general acts of sub-municipal
government in selected cities and the contents of the websites of the
sub-municipal governments of all Croatian cities are analyzed. Following the
categorization by Hlepas et al. (2018), adapted to the Croatian circumstances,
the role of the Croatian sub-municipal government is analyzed. Based on the findings and selected comparative insights, the current state of
Croatian sub-municipal government is
interpreted and recommendations for improvement are formulated.
In Between Facts and Norms, Jurgen Habermas works out the legal and political implications of his Theory of Communicative Action (1981), bringing to fruition the project announced with his ...publication of The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere in 1962. This new work is a major contribution to recent debates on the rule of law and the possibilities of democracy in postindustrial societies, but it is much more. The introduction by William Rehg succinctly captures the special nature of the work, noting that it offers a sweeping, sociologically informed conceptualization of law and basic rights, a normative account of the rule of law and the constitutional state, an attempt to bridge normative and empirical approaches to democracy, and an account of the social context required for democracy. Finally, the work frames and caps these arguments with a bold proposal for a new paradigm of law that goes beyond the dichotomies that have afflicted modern political theory from its inception and that still underlie current controversies between so-called liberals and civic republicans. The book includes a postscript written in 1994, which restates the argument in light of its initial reception, and two appendixes, which cover key developments that preceded the book. Habermas himself was actively involved in the translation, adapting the text as necessary to make it more accessible to English-speaking readers.
PDF
