Nameni raziskovanja poimenovanja jezika in naroda so si velikokrat različna, v glavnem gre za ustvarjanje ideje, po kateri poimenovnaje prinaša določena stališča. Poimenovanje jezika in naroda je ...eden izmed načinov posredovanja v družbene razmere; njegov namen je oblikovanje korpusa jezika in ga s poimenovnajem identificirati ter ločiti od ostalih jezikov in narodov. Kot vsa imena tudi imena jezikov in narodov kategorizirajo, še več, predstavljajo simbolično vrednoto, ki ime opredeljuje za neke vrste ambasadorja, ki nosi določeno sporočilnost. Ampak, kakšno je to sporočilo in komu je namenjeno? Jeziki našega časa obenem predstavljajo tudi moč države. Kakšen je domet takšne prezentacije? To so le nekatera vprašanja, s katerimi se ukvarja pričujoče delo.
The commemoration of the six-hundredth anniversary of the Battle of Grunwald inclines one to reflect on the role of this celebration in the process of communication between the state and nation. The ...question arises of how this past event serves the present and how celebrating its anniversary has changed at various moments of history. On the basis of an analysis of historical documents, the press, observations, and surveys of participants in the celebrations, the author presents the following main theses: (1) succeeding celebrations, particularly after the second world war, have been an instrument of communication strengthening the tie between the nation and the state; (2) shaping memory of the celebrated event and its rituals gives a needed meaning to the conditions of current everyday life. At the same time, central and peripheral layers of the ritual of celebrating and the accompanying communicative action can be distinguished. The media has a particular layer of communications and rituals. Ritual communication intensifies the significance of opinions, attitudes and social problems articulated during the course of the celebration.
"Once We Had a House" Hromadzic, Azra
Social analysis,
12/2012, Letnik:
56, Številka:
3
Journal Article
Recenzirano
One of the most important goals of peace-building programs around the world is the establishment of a social order that would lead to stability. In the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), this ...includes a spatial reorganization of people and territory that assumes a fixed relationship between them. This spatial governmentality relies on a set of rigid assumptions about belonging, territoriality, and politics that make ethnically 'mixed' citizens spatially unmappable, bureaucratically invisible, and socially undesirable. Spanning more than 18 months of ethnographic fieldwork in BiH, I focus on the transformation of Yugoslav mixed citizens into 'invisible citizens' in the context of post-war democratization. The experiences of these people provide a fruitful site from which to understand and critique the peace-building efforts in BiH and beyond.
"We are very proud of Dr. Steven Narod's work in deepening our knowledge about hereditary breast and ovarian cancer," said Dr. Paula Rochon, Vice President, Research, at Women's College Hospital. ..."His work has undoubtedly saved the lives of countless women in Canada and around the world. To be named a Killam Laureate is truly a prestigious honour and one well-deserved by Steven." For more than 100 years Women's College Hospital (WCH) has been developing revolutionary advances in healthcare. Today, WCH is a world leader in the health of women and Canada's leading, academic ambulatory hospital. A champion of equitable access, WCH advocates for the health of all women from diverse cultures and backgrounds and ensures their needs are reflected in the care they receive. It focuses on delivering innovative solutions that address Canada's most pressing issues related to population health, patient experience and system costs. The WCH Institute for Health System Solutions and Virtual Care (WIHV) is developing new, scalable models of care that deliver improved outcomes for patients and sustainable solutions for the health system as a whole.
Je li Rousseau samorazumljivi neprijatelj političkog liberalizma, kao što glasi
čuveni besprizivni pravorijek I. Berlina? Drukčije rečeno, je li on zastupnik
radikalne (čak “totalitarne”) ...demokracije, apologet pučke suverenosti i opaki
plebejski “prijatelj naroda” (tzv. “pozitivne slobode”), koji previđa važnost
negativne slobode individua i podjele vlasti? Zagovara li Rousseau, kao republikanski
politički teoretičar, s jedne strane i politički liberalizam, a s druge
strane ne samo različito nego i oprečno shvaćanje političke slobode? U prvom
se dijelu izlaganja podsjeća na to da se Rousseauova politička teorija oblikuje
u osviještenoj i potpunoj opreci spram fiziokratskog ekonomskog liberalizma,
koji slobodu svodi na ekonomsku i pravnu, a modernog čovjeka na bourgeois.
U tome je Rousseau veoma blizak Tocquevilleu koji fiziokratsku doktrinu dovodi
u pitanje sa stajališta političkog liberalizma. U drugom dijelu sažeto se
prikazuje i vrednuje kritika Rousseauova političkog nauka (političke slobode i
pučke suverenosti) sa stajališta klasičnoga političkog liberalizma B. Constanta.
U trećem se završnom i najvažnijem dijelu pokazuje da primjerena usporedba
Rousseauova i liberalnoga političkog nauka mora pažljivo razlikovati
pojmovne sklopove u kojima se očituje srodnost (poimanje naroda i podjele
vlasti) od onih u kojima se očituje suprotnost (poimanje naroda, zakona, općenite
volje i citoyena). Otuda je Rousseau i frere i ennemi, dakle, frere ennemi
političkoga liberalizma, premda ne i ekonomskog liberizma.
"Our work shows that DCIS has more in common with small invasive cancers than previously thought," explains Dr. Steven Narod, a scientist with Women's College Research Institute and a professor with ...the Dalla Lana School of Public Health at the University of Toronto. "In these cases, we've found that there's an inherent potential for DCIS to spread to other organs."
Članek predstavlja knjigo Milana Vidmarja, dolgoletnega profesorja elektrotehnike na ljubljanski univerzi in največjega slovenskega šahista, v kateri je avtor orisal svoje vtis z dveh potovanj v ...Združene države Amerike. V ZDA je prvič potoval leta 1927, drugič pa leta 1936. Prvič je bil torej v ZDA v času gospodarskega razcveta, drugič pa po veliki gospodarski krizi, ki je po njegovem prepričanju razkrila vso krhkost kapitalističnega reda in liberalne gospodarske politike. Vidmar je, kot je pisal v ZDA, že po prvem potovanju, pogrešal »dušo«, ki naj bi jo evropska mesta imela, ameriška pa ne. ZDA naj bi v tej luči posebej zaznamovali skromna zgodovina, izposojeni angleški jezik in prebivalstvo, ki naj bi ne bilo »narod«, temveč skup »narodnih manjšin«. Hkrati naj bi Združene države ne imele svoje avtentične kulture, kar naj bi bil rezultat dejstva, da je bilo ameriško prebivalstvo v veliki večini sestavljeno iz priseljencev. Edini pravi domačini v ZDA so bili po Vidmarju ameriški črnci. Američani v Vidmarjevih očeh niso bili narod, temveč človeška vojska, ki se dobesedno bori za preživetje. Ameriško pojmovanje »svobode« in »demokracije«, ki naj bi bili le navidezni, saj so ameriški volilci lahko o »usodi domovine« odločali le vsako četrto leto na volitvah z »da« ali »ne!, mu je bilo, čeprav je bil po nazoru liberalec, tuje. Hkrati je odločno odklanjal ameriški kapitalizem in liberalni individualizem, ki naj bi nedvoumno razkrivala, da so bile ZDA »bojišče«. »Gospodarsko svobodo« je primerjal z vesoljem, ki naj bi bilo prav tako sestavljeno iz »drobcev«, ki se »ne menijo drug za drugega«. Človeško gospodarstvo pa – kot je pokazala kriza leta 1929 – ne sme biti prepuščeno »naključju in katotičnemu plesu drobcev«, saj potrebuje red in načrtovanje. Vidmar se je zato zavzel za gospodarsko politiko utemeljeno v znanosti in razumu, hkrati pa tudi za aktivno socialno politiko države. V ZDA sta ga odbijala »obsedenost z denarjem (dolarjem)« in potrošništvom, pa tudi »nespametno izkoriščanje narave«. S simpatijami pa je pozdravljal reformna prizadevanja predsednika ZDA Franklina Delana Roosevelta, ki je bil zanj »zastopnik skupne koristi vseh državljanov. Avtor članka ugotavlja, da je treba Vidmarjevo knjigo presojati v kontekstu razmer v tridesetih letih 20. stoletja, ko se je po veliki gospodarski krizi povsod zdelo, da je liberalna gospodarska politika doživela popoln polom. Hkrati meni, da je bil Vidmar s sklicevanjem na »narod«, »zgodovino«, »jezik«, »kulturo«, »zemljo« in »tradicijo« značilen predstavnik slovenskega liberalnega izobraženstva, zadržana in kritična slovenska gledanja na ZDA pa imajo – kot kaže njegova knjiga - daljšo zgodovino, kot običajno mislimo.
This work presents correlations of elements of the political community – the state, and the Christian community – the church, toward the person of the divine and human character of Jesus Christ. ...Jesus Christ as God incarnate in the modern world, at the beginning of the 21st century, is used in a dualistic way. On the one hand, it is set as a subject whose purpose is identification, whether it concerns a national or religious element. On the other hand, Christians who manifest their faith through deeds earn identification with Christ, who represents the subject of mutual relations. Before the church is the great task of encouraging, supporting and endeavoring daily with the faithful to pursue such a relationship with Christ as an actual and active subject, one which is not weighed with individual or group interests. The Christian church should work to develop believers’ attitude towards politics and political activity, but it should be autonomous in action.
Kako Biblija gleda na suvremenu europsku temu migracija? Nakon napomene o hodočasničkom značaju Božjega naroda, Abraham (Post 12) upozorava na blagoslivljanje kao svrhu, a odmak od oholosti i ...nerazumijevanja kao uzrok migracije. Jakovljev primjer ističe povratak (Post 35) koji, nakon osobne lustracije, obnavlja izvorni nacrt čovjeka iz Post 1. Selilaštvo i izbjeglištvo Svete Obitelji pokazuje napokon da se i u tom otkriva način kako prihvatiti Otkupitelja..
In exploring the biblical approach to the issue of migrants and refugees, this paper first ascertains that the character of the People of God is that of the pilgrim. The examples of Abraham (Gen. 12) and St. Joseph in the New Testament point out the need for spiritual discernment in recognizing a genuine call from God. Thus, the purpose of the migration is to bring blessings to the peoples, and the cause of the migration is the need to leave behind pride and misunderstanding, the biblical tower of Babel. The path of migration taken by Jacob renders his return essential (Gen. 35). His migration is explained as a personal purification process, conversion and reconciliation with God and his brother Esau, which enables Jacob to adopt the original concept from Genesis 1 as God’s creation. The Holy Family in the role of the migrant family highlights the task of the father and his need to protect his family. Their experience ensures that migration is one possible way to accept the Redeemer and to follow in his path.
Québec: State and Society, third editionacts as a mirror to a society that continues to transform itself, that adjusts to changes taking place on the international scene, while providing an ...understanding of Québec's unique experience within the world. This completely revised edition is composed of twenty-two original and comprehensive essays on key issues and themes that constitute present-day Québec politics, written by prominent and widely published specialists in areas as diverse as political science, sociology, economics, demography, and history. As a result, this book provides a full account the historical and contemporary Québec environment and offers premises for developments to come.
This edition distinguishes itself by proposing five main themes for surveying the Québec condition, each with its own section. The first of these, "Québec Today: Memory, Identity, and Pluralism", contains essays on historical and contemporary identity narratives and counter-narratives in Québec, including aboriginal/state debates. "Governance" explores issues of Québec public administration, business-government relations, and federal and international relations. "Political Parties and Social Movements" discusses a series of fundamental questions on the role exercised by the various elements of civil society in Québec, ranging from the relevance of political parties to the diversity of social movements. "Education, Language, and Immigration" delves into developments in long-standing issues at the heart of the challenge of pluralism in Québec. "Territoriality, Globalization, and International Relations" tackles questions faced by every contemporary society and proposes new arenas for research for Québec.
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