The national issue remains one of the main problems in Latin America, even after the dominant classes of the "region," in association with the USA and the "free world," adopted a militaristic ...solution in the decades from the 1960s to the 1980s, through military dictatorships. Before this option was implemented in Brazil in 1964, the sociologist Guerreiro Ramos tried to persuade the military of the mistake of militarizing the national issue. Given the significant presence of military personnel in the Bolsonaro government (2018-2022) and the proposal of a nation project with a militaristic bias by the supporters of this government, this article revisits a reflection that advocates the primacy of politics for addressing the national problem in Brazil and Latin America. The reconstruction of Ramos's theses and contexts, between 1955 and 1961, serves as the argumentative strategy of this work. Instead of a militaristic solution to the national issue, this sociologist proposed a political solution based on the national-popular, which envisioned a Brazilian path to socialism.
Resumo: A questão nacional continua sendo um dos principais problemas da América Latina, mesmo após as classes dominantes da “região”, em associação com os EUA e o “mundo livre”, terem adotado uma solução militarista nas décadas de 1960 a 1980, através de ditaduras militares. Antes da implementação dessa opção no Brasil, em 1964, o sociólogo Guerreiro Ramos tentou persuadir os militares sobre o equívoco de militarizar a questão nacional. Diante da significativa presença de militares no governo Bolsonaro (2018-2022) e da proposta de um projeto de nação com viés militarista pelos apoiadores desse governo, este artigo resgata uma reflexão que defende o primado da política para o enfrentamento do problema nacional no Brasil e na América Latina. A reconstrução das teses e dos contextos de Ramos, entre 1955 a 1961, serve como estratégia argumentativa deste trabalho. Em vez de solução militarista para a questão nacional, esse sociólogo propôs uma saída política pautada no nacional-popular, que vislumbrava um caminho brasileiro para o socialismo.
Resumen: La cuestión nacional sigue siendo uno de los principales problemas de América Latina, incluso después de que las clases dominantes de la "región", en asociación con los EE. UU. y el "mundo libre", adoptaran una solución militarista en las décadas de 1960 a 1980, a través de dictaduras militares. Antes de la implementación de esta opción en Brasil, en 1964, el sociólogo Guerreiro Ramos intentó persuadir a los militares sobre el error de militarizar la cuestión nacional. Dada la significativa presencia de militares en el gobierno de Bolsonaro (2018-2022) y la propuesta de un proyecto de nación con sesgo militarista por parte de los partidarios de este gobierno, este artículo rescata una reflexión que defiende el primado de la política para abordar el problema nacional en Brasil y en América Latina. La reconstrucción de las tesis y contextos de Ramos, entre 1955 y 1961, sirve como estrategia argumentativa de este trabajo. En lugar de una solución militarista para la cuestión nacional, este sociólogo propuso una salida política basada en lo nacional-popular, que vislumbraba un camino brasileño hacia el socialismo.
Speech is a way of expressing ideas in the form of words or discourse that is prepared to be spoken in front of the audience. Speech contains a message that is tailored to the situation when the ...orator delivers the speech. In addition to the message to be conveyed, the ideology and thoughts of an orator are also reflected in his speech. Therefore, an orator must have expertise in delivering his speech.This research is aims to determine the purpose and background of the Shinzo Abe Policy Speech at the 195th Session of Diet. The speech was delivered by Abe after he was re-elected as Prime Minister of Japan after the general election on October 22, 2017.Researcher used the critical discourse analysis of Teun A. van Dijk's model to dissect the ideology contained in the speech to focus on text analysis. Based on the results of this research, it can be interpreted implicit meanings in the text through linguistic elements, such as tematic, skematic, semantic, sintaxs, stilistic, and retoric.
After the victory in the civil war, the question of the organization of power arose not only in the political, but also in the territorial-political sphere. For a long time, the Bolsheviks ...positioned the empire as a “prison of peoples”. After 1920 (Crimea), an adequate answer was needed from the authorities. The old party slogan influenced constitutional construction, and, to the Gorbachev era, the country came with the “sleeping norm” of the right to leave the Union Republic from the USSR.
The article is devoted to the ethnopolitics of the White Movement on the territory of Ukraine in 1919–1920. The White Movement was formed in the South of the former Russian Empire and was forced to ...take into account the diverse composition of the alien population of the country. The author examines the stages of the birth of the White Movement, its position towards national minorities and national movements that were activated during the revolution and the overthrow of autocracy. The leaders of the White Movement failed to elaborate a single model of relations with “aliens”, except for to return to the shameful practice of tsarist times. Basing on significant sources, it is proved that the “White project” considered national movements as enemies of the “single and indivisible Russia”, as separatist and anti-state. The article presents various documents and facts of the actions of the Denikin regime directed against Ukrainian society. The ideology of the White Guard was filled with Ukrainophobia and anti-Semitism. The publication presents numerous facts of Jewish pogroms and persecution of Ukrainians exclusively on national grounds. The author carries out a content analysis of various publications of Russian, Ukrainian, Jewish authors who addressed this problem. Historical contexts are supported by materials from various sources from archives and memoirs of the direct participants of events. The article convincingly proves the futility of the ethnopolitics of the “Whites” in Ukraine, which was denied by the majority of the Ukrainian society, regardless of their political preferences.From the very beginning and to the inglorious historical finale, the White Guard was based on violence and great-power chauvinism. The policy of “restoration” proposed by the leaders of the White Movement was unrealistic and did not meet the challenges of time and public expectations.
The article is devoted to the important scientific problem of Jews’ adaptation in Turkestan. Its comprehension makes it possible to consider a specific example of the interaction of representatives ...of the two main religions in Russia - the Christian and the Muslim ones. The relevance of this topic is also determined by the persisting confrontation between Israel and the Arab world, Jews and Muslims. Moreover, Jews’ resettlement during the colonization of Central Asia allows understanding the contradictions of the national and migration policy of the tsarist Russia at the turn of the 20th century. Through the use of a wide range of sources, the author reveals the peculiarities of the life of Jews in the Russian Empire, various aspects of which were silenced or distorted in the Soviet historiography for a long time. The article contains data on the localization, number and social composition of the Jewish population on the territory of the Russian Empire. It is noted that the vast majority of the first European Jews were former military - privates and non-commissioned officers. The Ashkenazi Jews played an important role in the construction of railways in Russia and, above all, the Tashkent-Orenburg railway. The author concludes that the construction of railways in Europe was an important field of activity for Jewish bankers. In this area, it is the personal ties of the Jewish capitalists with the governments which played an important role, since railways were built mostly on the basis of special concessions and under the official control. Over a relatively short historical period, the Jews demonstrated their high social activity and made a significant contribution to the development of Central Asia territory.
The article deals with the problems of the Siberian Bukharans’ community in the first decade after the Russian Revolution of 1917. The Bukharans played an important role in the history of Western ...Siberia for several centuries. But the significance of the Bukhara community in the economic life of Siberia decreased steadily; there took place rapprochement in the form of assimilation with Siberian Tatars. In the early twentieth century, the reforms, revolutionary changes and war became an ordeal for Siberian Bukharans. As a result of the state policy, both imperial and Soviet, the most important factor in preserving the Bukhara identity - the Bukhara volost - was destroyed. After the end of the civil war in Siberia, the Bukharans in the bulk were in opposition to the Soviet power. In many areas of Siberia in the early twentieth century there was a drop in the population of Bukharans. The largest and most organized community of the Siberian Bukharans in Soviet Russia was preserved in the Tarsky district of the Siberian territory - more than 11 thousand people. In the focus of the research there are problems of the economic, political and cultural development of the Bukharans in the Tarsky district in the mid-1920s. The documents found by the author indicate the degradation of the Siberian Bukharans’ economy. It was caused by the fact that after the victory of the Soviet government, a significant part of them did not connect their future with Siberia anymore, the Bukharans expected permission to leave the USSR, mainly to Turkey. The article introduces new scientific archival documents which reflect the policy of the state in connection with the desire of the Bukharans to leave the USSR. The central Soviet government did not allow this, but ordered to improve the work with this group of the population. Despite the fact that the Soviet leaders in Siberia tried to improve the economic and cultural situation of the Bukharans, they failed to completely eliminate the “resettlement sentiments”. From 1927, the Soviet government ceased to recognize the Bukharans as a separate ethno-social group, including them in the number of Siberian Tatars or for some time using the name “Tatar-Bukharans”.
The Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs) community is an important sector of the Philippines not only because of their economic contribution through remittances but also through their participation in ...national issues. Though dispersed in various countries, they converge in online communities such as the Pinoy OFW Facebook. Through content analysis, it was observed that participation in the threads is greater than interaction among OFWs. There were more tourists (likers) compared with the number of minglers, devotees, and insiders combined. Participation and interaction is higher when a thread appeals to emotion.
The attitude of CPY toward the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, and later on Yugoslavia, including the issue of annexation of Kosovo and Metohia to Albania, was being evolved. During the interwar period it ...largely coincided with the attitudes of Communist International (Kominterna), and mostly corresponded to the requests of the Albanians in Kosovo and Metohia. In the initial years of the Second World War, political circumstances in Kosovo and Metohia were disorganized, which was the result of the structure of the Albanian population, condition left by the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, politics of great powers 'divide et impera', and the make up and isolation of Territorial Committee of CPY for Kosovo and Metohia - it was very unproportional, mostly in favour of Serbian members. Until the Bujan's Conference, Albanian communists did not extend their request for the annexation of Kosovo and Metohia to Albania, and opposed to Balli Kombetar. On the other hand, communist movement made great concessions to Albanian nationalists, and at the same time, suppressed Albanian anti-communist movement. The recognition of the right to self-determination up to secession was not disappeared completely. One of the concession was the change of the title 'Metohia' in 'Dukadjin' (November 1943), although 'Dukadjin' included a larger geographic area. Furthermore, the second way of concession was the Bujan's Conference which included 49 participants out of which only 7 participants were Serbs. 1/5 of them were not from Kosovo and Metohia. The Resolution itself gave an overview of the inter-war situation in Kosovo and Metohia until the conference - the policy of agrarian reform and colonization was condemned, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was considered as imperialistic creation putting the Albanians into the second place etc. Generally speaking, after the capitulation of Italy, Albanian communists started infiltrating their ideas of Great Albania through the Territorial Committee of CPY for Kosovo and Metohia, since they could not do it through the Italian propaganda. No matter how the war will end up (but it was largely known the fascism will lose the war), Kosovo and Metohia should be annexed to Albania. There were no requests for the independence of Kosovo and Metohia. Finally, without foreseeing the final attitude toward the policy of CPY in Kosovo and Metohia, it can be said that CPY, making concessions to Albanian nation in Kosovo and Metohia, opened the possibility of rudimentary ways of Kosovo-Metohian area institutionalization (Territorial Committee of CPY for Kosovo and Metohia and Military Committee (1943).
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