Abstract
This paper uses the 20th anniversary of the founding of the African Union (AU) to examine the role of race and identity in Pan-Africanism, from the perspective of International Relations ...(IR). Pan-Africanism played a crucial role in the decolonization of the African continent and remains the ideological basis for the AU, which leads on issues of continental governance. The paper examines the development of Pan-Africanism, and foundational ideas of race, modernity, and identity that remain as important elements of some strains of the ideology. This is further explored by examining the relationship between these ideas and the rise of nativism, demonstrating the ways that essentialist conceptions of African identity can justify violence and authoritarianism. Finally, the paper stages an engagement between Pan-Africanism and Afropolitanism, examining the ways that Afropolitan approaches provide an important critique of nativist forms of Pan-Africanism, as well as offering more productive ways of engaging with African identity. This is important both for theoretical debates around identity in IR and for the future of the AU, as the institutional home of Pan-Africanism. The argument takes both Pan-Africanism and Afropolitanism seriously as approaches to IR, focusing on the ways that Africa and African ideologies can be viewed as central both to the formation of modern political thought and to conceptualize the future of international politics and global order.
This article demonstrates that the authoritarian populist strategy is most appealing when leaders create a sense of crisis and present themselves as having the only solution. The article underlines ...three performative methods of how Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil offered simple answers for a crisis and portrayed other political actors as the responsible ones to be removed. Firstly nativism presents a conservative view on how politics should be structured by perceiving all "non-natives" as threatening. Secondly messianism, the fetishism of Bolsonaro as a "messiah" who leads the way in the battle between "good" and "evil" serves to reinforce the support of the Evangelist base against "PT members." Finally conspiracism provides an easy way to eradicate ambiguities and helps to fuel an antagonism against the "enemy." Keywords: Bolsonaro, performance of crisis, nativism, messianism, conspiracism. Bu makale, liderlerin bir kriz hissi yaratmayi bacardiklari ve kendilerini krizi cozebilecek tek kisi olarak ortaya koyabildikleri durumlarda otoriter populist stratejilerin daha etkin oldugunu gostermeyi amaclamaktadir. Makale, Brezilya'da Jair Bolsonaro'nun krizleri cozmek icin basit cozumler sunmasini ve diger politik aktorleri ortadan kaldirilmasi gereken suclular olarak gostermesini saglayan tic temei stratejiye icaret etmektedir. Oncelikle, yerelcilik, "yerel olmayan" herkesi ve her Seyi tehdit olarak algilayarak siyasetin nasil yapilandirilmasi gerektigine dair muhafazakar bir gorus, sunmaktadir. ikinci olarak, Bolsonaro'nun "iyi" ve "kotu" arasindaki savacta yol gosterici bir "Mesih" olarak one cikmasiyla gelicen, lider-feticizmine dayanan Mesih inanci, Icci Partisi destekcilerine karci Evanjelist tabanin destegini guclendirmeye yaramaktadir. Son olarak, komploculuk, belirsizlikleri ortadan kaldirmakicinkolay bir yol gostermekte ve antagonizmi koruklemeye yardimci olmaktadir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Bolsonaro, krizperformansi, yerelcilik, Mesih inanci, komploculuk.
This article demonstrates that the authoritarian populist strategy is most appealing when leaders create a sense of crisis and present themselves as having the only solution. The article underlines ...three performative methods of how Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil offered simple answers for a crisis and portrayed other political actors as the responsible ones to be removed. Firstly nativism presents a conservative view on how politics should be structured by perceiving all "non-natives" as threatening. Secondly messianism, the fetishism of Bolsonaro as a "messiah" who leads the way in the battle between "good" and "evil" serves to reinforce the support of the Evangelist base against "PT members." Finally conspiracism provides an easy way to eradicate ambiguities and helps to fuel an antagonism against the "enemy."
En este ensayo se ofrece una relectura de las relaciones historiográficas entre España e Hispanoamérica. Se trata de saber hasta qué punto se han modificado las relaciones culturales entre ambas ...partes tomando en cuenta la reconfiguración de la geopolítica mundial y la historiografía recientes. En principio se busca la respuesta a partir de una contrastación matizada entre el hispanismo representado por Marcelino Menéndez Pelayo y Rafael Altamira, dominante todavía hacia 1970; y su desvanecimiento progresivo a causa de las crisis políticas, económicas y culturales de los años siguientes, enmarcadas por lo que se conoce como globalización. La entrada en este nuevo escenario ha puesto en entredicho el peso de toda clase de nacionalismos, localismos, nativismos o etnocentrismos dominantes en el periodo anterior. En particular los cuestionamientos se concentran en los modos de enfocar las relaciones entre lo propio y lo ajeno, lo de adentro y lo de afuera, lo actual y lo ya sucedido o podría devenir. Para ejemplificar lo segundo se alude a la experiencia historiográfica realizada alrededor de la red de Iberconceptos situada ya en un periodo posfranquista y posrevolucionario.
In recent years, 'intellectual decolonisation' has become so popular in the Global North that we can now speak of there being a 'decolonial bandwagon'. This article identifies some of the common ...limitations that can be found in this growing field of intellectual decolonisation. First and foremost, it is suggested that intellectual decolonisation in the Global North may be characterised by Northerncentrism due to the way in which decolonial scholarship may ignore decolonial scholars from the Global South. In order to address this 'decolonisation without decolonising', this article offers an alternative genealogy of intellectual decolonisation by discussing some of the most important yet neglected decolonial theory from the Global South. Thereafter, five other common limitations which may appear in discussions about intellectual decolonisation are identified, which are: reducing intellectual decolonisation to a simple task; essentialising and appropriating the Global South; overlooking the multifaceted nature of marginalisation in academia; nativism; and tokenism. The objective of this article is to highlight common limitations which may be present in discussions about intellectual decolonisation so as to provide a warning that some manifestations of intellectual decolonisation may not only be inadequate but may even reinscribe coloniality.
As a result of the steady rise of populist parties and politicians all over the world – and particularly since the Brexit referendum and the election of Donald Trump – populism research has become ...increasingly popular and widespread. The field, however, also faces some tricky challenges. First, it is easy to confuse populism with related concepts like, for instance, ‘nativism’ and ‘Euroscepticism’. This brings the risk of sloppy conceptualisation, and, as a result, invalid inferences. Second, populism research remains relatively detached from adjacent fields, and fruitful fertilisation across literatures is still rather uncommon. In order to deal with these challenges, populism research should become both more and less focused. How can these two seemingly conflicting recommendations be reconciled? When it comes to conceptualisation/categorisation strategies and drawing conclusions from studies by other researchers, populism scholars should employ a narrow framework and be precise, distinctive and consistent. Yet when it comes to exploring the literature in search of new hypotheses, scholars should employ a more open mind‐set. After all, theories developed in adjacent fields can inspire populism scholars to formulate innovative new questions and expectations.
