Namibia’s urban problems are traceable to the colonial-era planning system — a system that was based on spatial and racial segregation to the disadvantage of local communities. This article presents ...ideas on what planning authorities can do to ensure that its capital city, Windhoek, becomes inclusive for all residents. Through visual analysis, the article illustrates the Windhoek planning structure reflecting a one-city two-system (OCTS) approach. The more socio-economically viable amenities are still found east of the city’s western bypass. The segregation is now based more on the economic rather than racial lines. This implies racism currently manifests itself in new forms (neo-racism) and does not necessarily adhere to the concept of a hierarchy of races. The manifestation of neo-racism reflects in the current planning approaches as they still maintain the historical precedence. Following these concerns, the authors explore the role of Namibia’s forthcoming urban policy in addressing this OCTS concern in Windhoek. They argued ways to desegregate the OCTS for inclusivity in Windhoek. Some of their outlined measures include conducting legislative reviews to decolonise apartheid-era legislation/policies, engaging in inclusive urban land/housing delivery, enforcing tenure security for informal settlements, introducing (re)education initiatives in urban planning, and institutionalising citizens’ engagement in developing a new structure plan for Windhoek.
•Post-apartheid planning created a new form of spatial segregation (neo-segregation) based on economic rather than racial lines in Windhoek.•Informal settlements' growth in Windhoek is not only due to the failure of planning but also the exercise of land rights by the poor.•Juxtaposing retrospective and prospective views of urban planning in Windhoek reveals a one-city, two-system (OCTS) urban scenario.•Desegregating the OCTS urban scenario requires redirecting planning to inclusive spatial and aspatial practices.
This study demonstrates ways that geopolitics may interfere with the pursuit of global science. In particular, the study sought to understand the impact of the U.S. Department of Justice's China ...Initiative on the U.S. scientific community, especially among those of Chinese and other Asian descent. Based on a survey of about 2,000 scientists in top U.S. research universities, findings show a consistent pattern of neo-racism, neo-nationalism, and the consequences for future international collaborations and maintaining highly skilled talent. The findings show how neo-racism and neo-nationalism may be sabotaging the efforts of the U.S. to be globally competitive.
With the rise of critical theories and legal regulations that criminalize racism and accentuate tolerant and liberal values, racist discourses turned to be articulated indirectly (Essed, 1990; van ...Dijk & Wodak, 2000; Wodak, 2008), and a neo-racist discourse replaced classical racism to be ostensibly respectable and democratic with reference to cultural, rather than racial, difference (Barker 1981; Jayasuriya, 2002; van Dijk, 1997, 2000). However, a blatant and essentialist racist discourse has found its way back to the public sphere in light of the Russia-Ukraine war. Racist remarks have been documented in different types of texts directed to the masses. Therefore, this paper investigates the discursive strategies through which classical racism normalizes its reappearance in a supposedly liberal and democratic political environment. To achieve its objectives, the study adopts the Discourse-Historical Approach (Wodak, 2008) to analyse 18 texts of politicians and media reporters and commentators that include racist and discriminatory remarks in justifying the classification of refugees into 'like us' and 'different' categories. The study finds that the racist discourse uses special rhetoric in order to adapt to the current socio-political realities by combining classical elements of racism, including those of culture, race, and religion, with spatial proximity. The result is that the close White Christian Europeans are the only social actors who belong in the in- (superior) group. مع ظهور النظريات النقدية والتشريعات القانونية التي تجرم العنصرية وتؤكد على قيم التسامح والليبرالية, أخذت الخطابات العنصرية منحىً مبطناً, وتم استبدال الخطاب العنصري الكلاسيكي باخر جديد ليبدو في ظاهره ديمقراطيا ومتسامحا من خلال الاشارة الى الاختلافات الثقافية لا العرقية. الا ان خطابا عنصريا أصوليا واضحا قد ظهر من جديد في ظل الحرب الروسية الاوكرانية, حيث تم رصد العديد من الخطابات العنصرية التي تخاطب الجماهير. بناء على ما سبق, تتناول هذه الدراسة الاستراتيجيات الخطابية التي تم توظيفها في تبرير ظهور العنصرية الجديدة في محيط سياسي من المفترض انه ليبرالي وديمقراطي, حيث انتهجت الدراسة منهج التحليل الخطابي التاريخي لرووث وداك, وذلك من خلال تحليل نصوص سياسية واعلامية تحتوي على عبارات عنصرية صارخة تبرر تقسيم اللاجئين الى قسمين: "نحن" ضد "هم". خلصت الدراسة إلى أن هذه العنصرية تستخدم خطابا مميز اً ليتوائم والوقائع السياسية الاجتماعية الحالية من خلال جمع عناصر العنصرية الكلاسيكية من ثقافية وعرقية و دينية مع القرب المكاني، وأظهرت نتائج التحليل أن الأوروبيين المسيحيين البيض هم فقط من ينتمون الى مجموعة ال "نحن"(الأسمى).
Pursuing equity and diversity on internationalized higher education campuses has become an urgent agenda. Chinese Graduate Teaching Assistants (GTAs) do not always have smooth experiences with this ...internationalization. While they are often overlooked in racial discussion in the U.S., they cannot escape the racial and cultural inequalities in the same context. Using Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological systems (2005) and Lee’s neo-racism (2020) as analytical lenses, this study revealed the racial and cultural challenges experienced by 21 Chinese at micro-, meso-, exo-, macro-, and chrono-levels. The study helps educators charged with the complexity of Chinese GTAs’ plights by considering contextual influences using critical concepts (e.g., neo-racism). This study is significant in addressing unique equity and diversity issues in globalized higher education using both phenomenological and critical perspectives. Finally, we call for actions on the part of higher education institutions to create more equitable and caring systems to improve all students’ academic and sociocultural experiences.
In recent years, there has been a global increase in populist politics aimed at manipulating the public’s feelings and gaining political interest. The tremendous developments in communication ...technology spread populist discourses more, and thus causes the perception that we live in an age of populism. This research article on the immigrant crisis in Europe focuses on the populist discourse that has a neo-racist tendency about anti-immigration. Within this framework, some populist discourses of European politicians are analysed, and secondary quantitative data related to this issue is used. Especially in situations of social, political and economic crisis, immigrants in European countries are stigmatized as the main culprits. This stigma, which is seen not only in the far right but also sometimes in left politics, is generally used for immigrants coming from non-Western countries, especially from Muslim countries. Muslims among immigrant groups in European countries are often criticized for not being integrated into the mainstream society, and the arguments related to this issue are often expressed in a populist and pragmatic way. The main argument of the study is that one of the main threats to national unity and solidarity in European countries is the populist, neo-racist and Islamophobic discourse used against immigrants.
They will not survive here Pietiläinen, Sonja
Journal of language and politics,
01/2024, Letnik:
23, Številka:
3
Journal Article
Recenzirano
To justify the hardening of borders the populist radical right sometimes uses environmental rhetoric to frame migrants as a threat. The radical right’s environmental politics has been analysed ...through a focus on state borders, but less attention has been paid to the (re)production of bordering within and beyond the nation-state and to the racialising effects of such rhetoric, in other words how racial differences and hierarchies are (re)produced and justified through language on nature. Drawing on geographical literature on bordering and nationalism and postcolonial theory, this article investigates the semantic structures that convey the racist messaging. The article argues that the ‘racialized Other’ is bordered from the ’green’ homeland and Western space by utilising determinist conceptions of nature, through animalistic and environmental disaster metaphors, and by mobilising an idea of the environmentally conscious Finn as the opposite of the littering migrant.
Non-racialism is a deep-rooted ideal in the history of resistance in South Africa. It is not only the basis of the post-apartheid legal order, but also crucial to the form of capitalism. This paper ...reinterprets non-racialism and inequality in post-1994 South Africa by revisiting conventional understandings of the nature of the state and the rule of law. It shows that racial inequality is inscribed in the non-racial form of the state. The non-racial democratic shell correlates with the commodity form. Scholars have neglected the shift in the form of the state after 1994, partly because they focus on policy and see the state as an external structure in a racial society.
This article intends to reflect on the rhetoric connected with neo-racism and islamophobia, based on the experience and perception of prejudice, stereotypes and discrimination amongst Somali refugees ...and asylum seekers in Naples. This was achieved by matching the viewpoints of those women having been in the area since longer with those of the newcomers. This research, enacted by an anthropological approach and started in 2018, was implemented through participant observation, thematic interviews to the representatives of the main local Somali associations and by interviewing the female asylum seekers and refugees in depth.
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