Prispevek primerja objavljanje literarnih, metaliterarnih in filozofskih príspevkov v dveh studentskih časopisih leta 1968; slovenski Tribuni in češkoslovaškem Studentu. Literatura in teorija sta v ...okviru študentskih gibanj »dolgega leta 1968« odigrali pomembno vlogo na Zahodu, zato nas je zanimalo, kako se je ta simbioza aktivizma, misli in literarnega ustvarjanja odražala v študentskih časopisih v dveh socialističnih državah. Za primerjavo smo izbrali literarne objave, literarno-teoretske hibride, teoretske tekste ter recepcijo literature in teorije z Zahoda.
After the USSR had lost the global “battle for the souls” against the Western world in the global aftermath of the great social and cultural revolution of the sixties, its potential for international ...integration of the progressive, socialist and leftist ideologies of the world rapidly declined, which opened up an era of Soviet isolationism. Yet at the same time, new major, “players” arose on the stage of international socialism. Communist parties of Western Europe, primarily those of France, Italy, and Spain, completed under the welfare state era their two decades long process of ideological evolution toward what was to become known as Euro-communism, and later as democratic socialism. In the aftermath of the great social and cultural revolution of the Western World during the sixties, and in the after-math of its falling out with the USSR following the Soviet aggression against Czechoslovakia after the events of the Prague Spring, the Italian Communist Party called upon its deputies and delegations of the foreign communist parties to attend the XII Congress of P.I.C., which was supposed to determine the future positions of the party concerning international affairs and conduct the long-awaited reconstruction of the party’s ideology, creating along the way the specific ideological line that was known among its contemporaries as the Italian path of socialism. Yugoslavia had been one of the strongest supporters of the Italian pathand of Italian criticism of the USSR. The Yugoslav delegation in Bologna conducted a series of talks with the Italian communist leaders and concluded a number of bilateral treaties with the Italian Communist Party. Also, the Yugoslav representatives used the occasion of their visit to strengthen relations with the representatives of the Italian Government. Sources show that Yugoslavia had started to take increasingly greater interest in the formation of the new European socialist ideologies, and the interest was apparently mutual, since the Yugoslav historical experience of breaking away from the Cominform two decades earlier and Yugoslav socialist ideas of selfgovernment of the working class had been one of main topics in the discussions that held at the XII Congress regarding the ideas for the reconstruction of the Italian Communist Party, its foreign policies, and its ideology.
The dissertation is researching economic inequalities as, possibly, one of the dominant causes of intra state conflicts as the beginning of the 21st century. By doing that, work is focusing on ...present economic structure as the key reason for high rates of economic inequality. The author analyzes the trends of international and internal inequalities in the second half of the 20th century and concludes that the main cause of the dramatic increase in both types is market liberalization and elimination of numerous trade and non-trade barriers that led to historically highest recorded inequality levels. In such circumstances, the author concludes that the inequality ceases to be purely economic category and attain wider, social impact. The process of transformation inequality into a violent conflict is explained by using three different theoretical frameworks. The first one (The Resource Mobilization Theory) states that simple existence of inequality is not sufficient for the formation of violent conflict, and that the presence of other elements is necessary as well. By placing importance on categories of interest, organization, mobilization and collective action theory emphasizes the importance of social factors in conflict formation. In addition, Theory of Horizontal Inequalities is also considered due to it’s emphasizing on importance of group membership for economic status of individuals. Finally, into the consideration is taken the Theory of Relative Deprivation which is focusing on the importance of psychological factors, i.e. frustration (in conflict formation) which occurs when large discrepancies between desired and current state present itself. The author notes consistency of this theory in explaining nature of economic inequalities, which is why the concept of relative deprivation is taken as the most suitable one for the explanation of the relationship inequality-conflict. When it comes to contemporary methods designed to alleviate or eradicate inequalities author is focusing on Latin America and the left-of-center governments that are dominant in this part of the world. The success of these governments in combating inequality, in author's opinion is explained by their theoretical background based on the Dependency Theory. The importance of social factors for the economic structure and greater state role in economic development are seen by this interpretation essential for reduction of extreme social differences, especially prominent in Latin America where this theory has originated. Modern Latin American governments apply abovementioned approach, but also introduce elements that are adapted to the new international and domestic environment. Within these lines, the presence of two different factions is recognized; one (moderate) that seeks modification of the existing capitalist system, and the second (radical) which is making efforts to re-affirm the idea of socialism. The author notes that both factions are successful in achieving the set goal (reducing inequalities) and presume that manifested differences can be seen not as an obstacle but as an advantage, since they are indication that change is not necessary unambiguous. The author concludes that economic inequalities have reached the level that can be characterized as critical and that the world has entered in the phase of the uncertainty when it comes to their impact on the formation of violent conflicts. Therefore, in his opinion, the need for new models of development, based on higher degree of social justice, is pronounced more than ever before.
Rad se bavi istraživanjem ekonomskih nejednakosti kao moguće jednog od dominantnih uzroka nasilnih sukoba unutar država na početku 21. veka. Pri tome, postojeća ekonomska struktura uzima se kao ključni razlog visoke stope ekonomske nejednakosti. Autor kroz analizu kretanja međunarodne i unutrašnje nejednakosti u drugoj polovini 20. veka pokazuje kako je upravo liberalizacija i ukidanje brojnih tržišnih i ne-tržišnih barijera glavni uzrok drastičnog porasta dva oblika nejednakosti koja su dostigla istorijski najviši zabeleženi nivo. U takvim uslovima, autor zaključuje da nejednakost prestaje biti isključivo ekonomska kategorija i dobija, šire, društveno značenje. Prilikom istraživanja načina putem kojih se nejednakost transformiše u sukob autor polazi od tri teorijska stanovišta. Prvi od njih je teorija mobilizacije resursa koja smatra da samo postojanje nejednakosti nije dovoljno za formiranje nasilnih sukoba već je neophodno i prisustvo drugih elemenata. Stavljajući važnost na kategorije interesa, organizacije, mobilizacije i kolektivne akcije navedena teorija u prvi plan ističe važnost društvenih tj. socijalnih faktora u započinjanju sukoba. Pored toga, istražuje se teorija horizontalnih nejednakosti koja nejednaki ekonomski položaj pojedinca povezuje sa njegovom pripadnošću različitim grupama koje su manje ili više deprivilegovane. Na kraju, prisutna je i teorija relativne deprivacije koja važnost pridaje psihološkim faktorima tj. frustraciji koja nastaje kod pojedinaca usled velikog raskoraka između poželjnog i postojećeg stanja. Autor primećuje da se ovakvo objašnjenje u potpunosti poklapa sa prirodom nastanka ekonomskih nejednakosti i da je zbog toga koncept relativne deprivacije najpotpunije može objasniti prirodu nastanka veze nejednakost-sukob. Kada su u pitanju konkretne strategije kojima bi se ovako stvorene nejednakosti ublažile ili iskorenile autor se okreće latinoameričkom kontinentu i politici vlada levo od centra koje su sa početkom 21.veka postale dominantne u ovom delu sveta. Pri tome, autor njihov uspeh objašnjava pozivanjem i primenom rešenja koja su zagovarana od strane pripadnika tzv. teorije zavisnosti. Važnost uticaja društvenih činilaca na ekonomsku strukturu i veća uloga države u ekonomsku životu i podsticanju razvoja su po takvom tumačenju ključni za ublažavanje socijalnih razlika koje su posebno izražene u Latinskoj Americi gde je ova teorija i nastala '60-ih godina prošlog veka. Savremene vlade primenjuju navedene stavove, ali i uvode nove elemente prilagođavajući se promenjenim međunarodnim i unutrašnjim okolnostima. Primećuju se dve struje unutar nove latinoameričke levice pri čemu jedna (umerena) teži izmeni postojećeg kapitalističkog sistema dok druga (radikalna) ulaže napore da ponovno afirmiše ideju socijalizma. Autor navodi da obe struje imaju uspeha u postizanju zacrtanog cilja (smanjenje nejednakosti) i da razlike koje se ispoljavaju predstavljaju prednost, a ne nedostatak jer pokazuju da put do promene ne mora biti jednoznačan. Autor zaključuje da su ekonomske nejednakosti dostigle nivo koji se može okarakterisati kao kritičan i da svet ulazi u oblast nepoznatog kada je u pitanju njihov uticaj na formiranje nasilnih sukoba. Upravo zbog toga potreba stvaranja drugačijih modela razvoja, koji u svojoj osnovi imaju zalaganje za većim stepenom društvene pravde, danas je po autorovom mišljenju posebno izražena.
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