For constructing the medieval political history of Cooch Behar, also known as Koch Bihar, the Persian manuscript of BahÂristÂn-i-Ghaybī, discovered in 1919 by Jadunath Sarkar in the Bibliothèque ...Nationale of Paris, is very significant. This text facilitates our understanding of important historical events in eastern India during the time of Mughal Emperor Jahangir (1601–27). The text also provides important details of peasants’ revolts during the Mughal occupation, with remarkable implications until recent times regarding border relations between India and Bangladesh. The article examines the historical facts presented in this important text and corroborates them with other sources to argue that this text should be read as a chronicle for the history of warfare, society and peasants’ life in the region throughout the seventeenth century, with significant implications for later historical developments in Cooch Behar.
Resumo: O presente artigo analisa o envolvimento de sacerdotes com o movimento emigratório das últimas décadas do século XIX, nas comunas da região do Vêneto, norte da península itálica. A atuação ...deles como agentes locais da emigração os tornaram alvos de perseguições por parte das autoridades do recém-criado Estado italiano. As experiências individuais e coletivas foram utilizadas como fio condutor para se inferir sobre questões mais gerais dos contextos estudados, permitindo, desse modo, propor novos questionamentos acerca das racionalidades camponesas e das dinâmicas sociais vividas no campo. Entendemos que tais procedimentos são fundamentais para elucidar o contexto político e social dos locais de partida dos emigrantes, envolvidos em protestos contra certos impostos e articulando a viagem para a América.
Peasant revolts in Europe in the period 1000–1800 often involved militarized peasants. In Western Europe, this appeared in particular between 1300 and 1500 in connection with the late medieval ...process of militarization of the population. After the sixteenth century a similar process took place in central and Eastern Europe, where the revolts tended to be dominated by border and frontier populations. In both areas, revolts were triggered by complaints of failed military protection and demands for tax privileges. Such demands were viable especially in border regions in the west until 1600 but for far longer in the east. Anti-aristocratic sentiments were also common. In the east, the border gentry often allied with the peasant group’s anti-feudal struggle against the “second serfdom”. From different perspectives, the partners in such alliances could invoke ideas of personal and judicial freedom, as well as of freedom from taxation, which corresponded to the right to bear arms. Assuming responsibility for military defence on the one hand opened for a questioning of established hierarchical relations, because protection was a cornerstone of feudal ideology. On the other hand, militarization in non-noble dominated regions tended to foster traditional feudal ideas and functions of status, political competence etc. among peasants and were often invoked in uprisings. This illustrates the importance of a procedural understanding of political culture and ideology, norms and values in the analysis of social phenomena also from a longue durée- perspective. European feudalism can be seen as a long-lived system that was frequently contested by the subjected peasants, with regard to economic, political, and military issues.
This book offers a comprehensive approach to the study of the political history of the Renaissance: its analysis of government is embedded in the context of geography and social conflict. Instead of ...the usual institutional history, it examines the Florentine state from the mountainous periphery - a periphery both of geography and class - where Florence met its most strenuous opposition to territorial incorporation. Yet, far from being acted upon, Florence's highlanders were instrumental in changing the attitudes of the Florentine ruling class: the city began to see its own self-interest as intertwined with that of its region and the welfare of its rural subjects at the beginning of the fifteenth century. Contemporaries either remained silent or purposely obscured the reasons for this change, which rested on widespread and successful peasant uprisings across the mountainous periphery of the Florentine state, hitherto unrecorded by historians.
Selecting benchmark dates as beginnings or endings of long and complex historical processes can be arbitrary, often faulty. But if we were to choosetheevent that both foreshadowed and inspired the ...generation that catalyzed the Ethiopian Revolution, it certainly would be the aborted coup d’état of 1960. That event set in motion a decade of political protest against monarchical absolutism that did not abate until the more momentous upheaval of 1974. What transpired in that year, of course, was not imagined by the conspirators of December 1960.
Thirty years after his coronation as king of kings of Ethiopia and
La Guerre de Vendée Charlier, Nicolas
Studia gilsoniana,
03/2024, Letnik:
13, Številka:
1
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
The Vendée War (1793-1795) was an essential part of the French Revolution (1789-1799). A region of western France, south of Nantes, the Vendée, refused to continue obeying the new authorities of the ...Republic (1792), against a backdrop of forced military mobilization and anti-Catholic religious persecution. This peasant insurrection, led by nobles like Charette, suffered terrible repression, beyond military counter-insurgency. The Convention, the assembly governing the Republic, was very frightened in 1793, in a context of difficult foreign war and multiple domestic disputes. It took revenge by organizing a populicide in the Vendée. Carrier's infamous massacres in Nantes, carried out to order, were the norm, not a pathological exception. The infernal columns of the Republican army carried out the Vendée genocide. We propose to rediscover these historical facts, sometimes still hidden.
While much has been written on Six Books on the Commonwealth and his Demonmania, scholarship on Jean Bodin generally treats these as two separate areas of inquiry. Moreover, discussions of Bodin's ...economic writing, especially his Reply to Malestroit are nearly universally lacking in these discussions. In this paper, I analyze all three of these works together, arguing that Bodin's political economic perspectives on money, population, and the state form the ground for his interest in witches, sorcery, and the occult. By highlighting the historical context of rising mercantilism and the widespread peasant rebellions that contested it, I argue that Bodin's maintains a unified and coherent philosophy across his political, economic, theological, and demonological works. This materialist reinterpretation of Bodin argues that his philosophy chiefly concerns a defense of mercantile state wealth accumulation, in which witch hunting plays a crucial role of population discipline and reproductive pronatalism.
If social science's "cultural turn" has taught us anything, it
is that knowledge is constrained by the time and place in which it
is produced. In response, scholars have begun to reassess social
...theory from the standpoints of groups and places outside of the
European context upon which most grand theory is based. Here a
distinguished group of scholars reevaluates widely accepted
theories of state, property, race, and economics against Latin
American experiences with a two-fold purpose. They seek to deepen
our understanding of Latin America and the problems it faces. And,
by testing social science paradigms against a broader variety of
cases, they pursue a better and truly generalizable map of the
social world. Bringing universal theory into dialogue with specific
history, the contributors consider what forms Latin American
variations of classical themes might take and which theories are
most useful in describing Latin America. For example, the
Argentinian experience reveals the limitations of neoclassical
descriptions of economic development, but Charles Tilly's emphasis
on the importance of war and collective action to statemaking holds
up well when thoughtfully adapted to Latin American situations.
Marxist structural analysis is problematic in a region where
political divisions do not fully expresses class cleavages, but
aspects of Karl Polanyi's socioeconomic theory cross borders with
relative ease. This fresh theoretical discussion expands the scope
of Latin American studies and social theory, bringing the two into
an unprecedented conversation that will benefit both. Contributors
are, in addition to the editors, Jeremy Adelman, Jorge I.
Domínguez, Paul Gootenberg, Alan Knight, Robert M. Levine, Claudio
Lomnitz, John Markoff, Verónica Montecinos, Steven C. Topik, and J.
Samuel Valenzuela.
This article reviews the use of Gramsci's ideas in Indian historical scholarship since the 1970s, around four themes. (1) In analyzing the history of peasant revolts in colonial India, scholars of ..."Subaltern Studie"s argued that the rebellions show an autonomous subaltern consciousness that was subservient in ordinary times but acted politically in moments of revolt to negate the signs of subordination. (2) In analyzing state formation, these scholars characterized the colonial state as a dominance without hegemony and the postcolonial state as a passive revolution. (3) Cultural historians have analyzed the formation of the people/nation by describing the hierarchical relation between English, the colonial language of state, and the many regional languages in which, through printed texts and audiovisual media, the idea of the nation has been popularized. (4) The most recent period has seen the attempt to create a new hegemonic bloc based on Hindu majoritarianism under conditions of rapid.primitive accumulation and competitive populism. This historical process is unknown in the history of Western capitalism.