Revived appreciation of John Dewey as an inspirational advocate of participatory democracy has been tempered by criticism that he lacks a concrete political program. William R. Caspary makes the case ...for Dewey as a more discerning and challenging political theorist than this. Caspary draws from Dewey's extensive writings a concrete politics of participatory democracy, solving classic dilemmas confronting both democratic theorists and citizen activists. He compares Dewey's views with the full range of approaches in contemporary democratic theory and explores the underpinnings of Dewey's political theory by offering a thorough and innovative account of his philosophy of science, social science, and ethics. In Dewey's democratic theory, conflict is an inescapable condition of politics, according to Caspary, and is also an essential stimulus for the advancement of individuals and societies. Recognizing the centrality of conflict, Caspary claims, Dewey makes conflict resolution an overarching concept in his theory of democracy. Caspary argues that conflict resolution is central to Dewey's philosophy of ethics and of science. Caspary—a scholar with many years of experience as a social movement activist, ombudsperson, and mediator—traces this conflict resolution orientation throughout Dewey's writings. Caspary brings Dewey's abstract theories down to earth with examples from present-day social and political experiments, including progressive educational experiments, common-ground dialogues on abortion, the South African program for truth and reconciliation, and worker self-management cooperatives. These cases illustrate Dewey's linking of political action, social experimentation, and public discourse. They pin down specific meanings for Dewey's sometimes vague political maxims, and suggest workable programs. Throughout Caspary demonstrates the courage and vision of Dewey's unwavering commitment to participatory democracy.
Vnovični vzpon fašizma v podobi »alt-desnice« kaže, da se liberalno antirasistično izobraževanje in propagiranje večkulturne družbe nista pokazali za posebej uspešni, navkljub velikim finančnim ...vložkom in institucionalnim prizadevanjem. Borni rezultati so posledica konceptualne redukcije rasizma na psiho- loško raven, na kognitivni spodrsljaj, ki ga ugotavljamo pri predsodkih, in na pomanjkljivo poznavanje, kar vse naj bi premagovali s primernim izobraževanjem in spoznavanjem drugih kultur. Nepoučenost o drugih kulturah pa je zgolj ena od determinant širše mreže rasizma, pri katerem gre v temelju za vzpostavljanje avtoritarne hierarhije z namenom izkoriščanja in zlorabe, brez katerih moderni ekonomski in politični sistem ne more obstajati. Sodobni rasizem postkolonialne dobe v razmerah kulturne in ekonomske globalizacije, pa tudi novih oblik komunikacije, ima vrsto novih značilnosti, ki zahtevajo drugačne pristope k antirasizmu. Ker ne gre zgolj za izobraževalni projekt in ker je v sodobni šoli znanje praviloma omejeno na instrumentalni vidik, zahteva premagovanje rasizma tudi ponovni premislek neuspeha doseganja izobraževalnih ciljev in temu ustrezne spremembe. Te spremembe zadevajo predvsem preseganje neoliberalizma, dekolonizacijo razvitih dežel in vključitev epistemologij Juga.
Kritik in der Krise Flügel-Martinsen, Oliver; Mohammed, Samia; Vasilache, Andreas ...
2020
eBook
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Kritisches Denken auch in Krisensituationen nicht aufzugeben – dies hat sich der vorliegende Band zur kritischen politischen Theorie in der Corona-Pandemie zur Aufgabe gemacht. Entstanden sind 13 ...Beiträge, die vielfältige Perspektiven auf die Verschränkung von Kritik und Krise bieten. Dabei stellt sich zum einen die Frage, welche Konsequenzen sich für kritisches politisches Denken aus der gegenwärtigen Krise ergeben. Zum anderen ist zu diskutieren, welchen Beitrag kritische Theorie zum Verständnis der aktuellen Herausforderungen leisten kann. Mit Beiträgen von Clara Arnold, Simon Duncker, Oliver Flügel-Martinsen, Lea Jonas, Kristoffer Klement, Jamila Maldous, Noah Marschner, Samia Mohammed, Malte Pasler, Demokrat Ramadani, Gerrit Tiefenthal, Andreas Vasilache und Nele Weiher. In times of crises, critical thinking needs to be maintained and fostered. This volume on critical political theory in the coronavirus pandemic brings together 13 contributions that offer a variety of perspectives on the interrelationship between critique and crisis. What are the consequences of the current crisis for critical political thinking—and what contribution can critical theory offer to our understanding of current challenges? With contributions by Clara Arnold, Simon Duncker, Oliver Flügel-Martinsen, Lea Jonas, Kristoffer Klement, Jamila Maldous, Noah Marschner, Samia Mohammed, Malte Pasler, Demokrat Ramadani, Gerrit Tiefenthal, Andreas Vasilache and Nele Weiher.
Grški pojem države Valentin Kalan
Keria: Studia Latina et Graeca,
12/2010, Letnik:
12, Številka:
2-3
Journal Article
Recenzirano
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Ta sestavek je uvodni del raziskave o Aristotelovi politični filozofiji s posebnim ozirom na njegovo razumevanje demokracije. V prvem paragrafu podajam štiri definicije države, kakor jih moremo ...razbrati iz Aristotelove Politike, iz psevdo-Platonih Definicij, iz Antologije Janeza Stobeja in iz Velikega etimološkega leksikona, Etymologicum Magnum. V drugem paragrafu "Sinonimi za polis" podajam kratek popis grškega besedišča za državo. V tretjem paragrafu podajam pojem grške države skozi opis petih konstitutivnih elementov: 1. ozemlje, 2. ljudje, 3. vlada, 4. religiozno-mitološka utemeljitev polisa ter 5. antična država in pojem suverenosti. Razpravo zaključuje kratka opomba o odnosu med posameznikom (družbo) in državo v antiki.
The scandal of reason Azmanova, Albena
2012., 20120403, 2012, 2012-04-17, 20120101, Letnik:
47
eBook
Theories of justice are haunted by a paradox: the more ambitious the theory of justice, the less applicable and useful the model is to political practice; yet the more politically realistic the ...theory, the weaker its moral ambition, rendering it unsound and equally useless. Brokering a resolution to this "judgment paradox," Albena Azmanova advances a "critical consensus model" of judgment that serves the normative ideals of a just society without the help of ideal theory. Tracing the evolution of two major traditions in political philosophy—critical theory and philosophical liberalism—and the way they confront the judgment paradox, Azmanova critiques prevailing models of deliberative democracy and their preference for ideal theory over political applicability. Instead, she replaces the reliance on normative models of democracy with an account of the dynamics of reasoned judgment produced in democratic practices of open dialogues. Combining Hannah Arendt's study of judgment with Pierre Bourdieu's social critique of power relations, and incorporating elements of political epistemology from Kant, Wittgenstein, H. L. A. Hart, Max Weber, and American philosophical pragmatism, Azmanova centers her inquiry on the way participants in moral conflicts attribute meaning to their grievances of injustice. She then demonstrates the emancipatory potential of the model of critical deliberative judgment she forges and its capacity to guide policy making. This model's critical force yields from its capacity to disclose the common structural sources of injustice behind conflicting claims to justice. Moving beyond the conflict between universalist and pluralist positions, Azmanova grounds the question of "what is justice?" in the empirical reality of "who suffers?" in order to discern attainable possibilities for a less unjust world.
The story of the mixed constitution is the story of the most stable and just constitution. In theory, this is a combination of at least two of the three elementary forms of government (monarchy, ...aristocracy and democracy), with some advantages that elementary forms may lack. It originated with the deliberation of Greek philosophers, who wanted to draw up a constitution safeguarding against the permanent variation of elementary constitutional forms and against coups d’état. For both Plato and Aristotle, the mixed constitution was, above all, the reflection of a search for balance between the two extreme forms of government, direct (Athenian) democracy on the one hand and the exclusion of the people from governing on the other. The Greek theory was applied by the historian Polybius to the traditional tripartite constitution of the Roman republic. In his view, the consuls were monarchic elements, the senate an aristocratic element, and the comitia a democratic one. Cicero’s introduction of the idea of the mixed constitution in De re publica can only be understood in the light of the author’s personal situation and contemporary political circumstances. His political engagement at a time when the republic was gradually transforming into a monarchy aimed at restoring the important role of the nobility, represented by the senate. For Cicero, the mixed constitution was mainly an instrument for restoring the lost balance between the consuls, the senate, and the comitia, a last chance to save the decaying republic. The concluding part of the article addresses Alois Riklin’s recent discussion of the modern reception of the mixed constitution idea, which advances the controversial thesis that the paradigm of power division, the foundation of modern representative democracy, originates directly from the mixed constitution.
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