Аристотель и Птолемей I Сотер Brovkin, Vladimir
SHOLE. Filosofskoe antikovedenie i klassičeskaâ tradiciâ,
2022, Letnik:
XVI, Številka:
2
Journal Article
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The article discusses the influence of Aristotle on Ptolemy I. It is established that Ptolemy I managed to put into practice the ideas of Aristotle about a virtuous monarch and a state in which ...citizens lead a contemplative life. The reign of Ptolemy I fully corresponded to Aristotle's ideas of absolute monarchy. According to Aristotle, a monarch can have absolute power only if he has exceptional virtue. According to Aristotle, the main political virtue is prudence. This virtue is associated with making the right decisions in public administration. As we have shown, Ptolemy I was a very prudent monarch who managed to build a strong and prosperous state in Egypt. Also, Ptolemy I brought to life the idea of Aristotle on the establishment of a major research center. The Museum and Library in Alexandria became the place where Greek scientists and philosophers could lead a contemplative life in full accordance with Aristotle's views on the ideal state.
Este artículo examina la protección jurídica resultante del derecho cosmopolita en Kant con el fin de arrojar luz sobre su articulación con la protección ofrecida por el derecho político estatal. En ...primer lugar, analizaré el tratamiento de la equidad en la Doctrina racional del Derecho, como un espacio normativo que, sin recurrir a la coacción legal, transmite al sujeto la obligación en que se encuentra con los individuos más desfavorecidos económicamente. En segundo lugar, comentaré algunos textos en que Kant se ocupa del respeto legal que merecen los pueblos sin Estado. La reflexión kantiana sobre la vulnerabilidad jurídica en estos dos casos me permitirá sostener que el planteamiento de la protección legal en clave cosmopolita funciona como un operador regulativo en el derecho político kantiano, llamado a orientar la conducta de Estados y ciudadanos en el trato que deparan al resto de sujetos que habitan la Tierra. Por ello mismo, esta interpretación subraya el hecho de que el derecho cosmopolita en Kant aparezca como un derecho privado de coacción en la filosofía política de Kant.
The aim of the article is to study the essence of the concept of political ideology in modern socio-philosophical discourse; consideration of methodological approaches to the analysis of this ...phenomenon; identification of structural levels and components of political ideology, study of the features of its functional system. Political ideology is a system of conceptually designed ideas, ideas and views on political life, which reflects the interests, worldview, ideals, moods of people, classes, nations, society, political parties. Political ideology includes the following structural components: political ideas; political hypotheses, concepts, theories, doctrines; political ideals, values, slogans; political myths and political utopias; political programs. The functional system of political ideology includes a wide range of functions, including the following: orientation, mobilization, integration, depreciation, the function of expressing and protecting the interests of a particular social group.
The Metapolitical Synthesis of St. Thomas Aquinas: François Daguet, "Myśl polityczna św. Tomasza z Akwinu”, Tomasz Pękala, Teologia Polityczna, Instytut Wydawniczy, Warsaw 2021, pp. 619.
До XIX века политическая философия была всеобъемлющей наукой о человеке и обществе. Но с появлением и развитием других социальных наук, всего за сто лет, политическая философия достигает точки ...закрытия. Исайя Берлин и его коллеги смогли продемонстрировать, что предмет политической философии остался неизменным со времен Древней Греции. Иными словами, до тех пор, пока в нашем обществе не доминирует только одна цель, пока существуют различные интерпретации эмпирических событий, и авторы, способные открывать нормативные истины, политическая философия будет занимать свое место среди общественных наук. Ее место находится между позитивной политической наукой и философией. В то время как первая отвечает на вопрос «что есть?», философия ищет ответ на вопрос «что (должно быть сделано)?», а политическая философия содержит вопрос «что делать, когда есть разногласия по поводу того, что делать». Таким образом, в самом своем бытии остается нормативный подход, но он не обсуждается в каком-то вакууме. Цели и предмета, конечно, недостаточно, чтобы называть дело наукой, но оно должно обладать систематическим и организованным знанием предмета в форме поддающихся проверке объяснений или принципов, каких-то правил поведения или методов. Благодаря теории справедливости Ролза, а также политическим теоретикам его века, мы получили методы, которые проверяют мыслительный процесс теории. Однако использование одного и того же метода не приносит с собой равного уровня теоретизирования. В то время как теория справедливости Ролза создает новое общество, нормы которого противоречат нашему 359 существующему обществу, теория консоциальной демократии Лейпхарта участвует в модернизации существующей системы, опираясь на эмпирические данные и дедуктивные выводы. Другими словами, теория справедливости является вершиной теоретической области, а с другой стороны, теория консоциальной демократии показывает нам нижнюю границу теоретизирования, необходимую для теории.
The content of political doctrines and dominant lines of practical politics is legitimised by the ef- fort to implement the ideal of a good, free society by applying the idea of reason. At the same ...time, its performance not only defines the conditions for the theoretical justification of the idea of power, but also becomes a tool for its implementation. The primary goal of this paper is in an endeavour to place the normative nature of current (democratic) political regimes where we encounter the need for a more fundamental theoretical argument that would enable us to respond to their dynamic, often contradictory development. One of the consequences of such fixation is in the division of sciences into the realms of nature and society, the independence of their methodological orientation, or the factual and theoretical division of human reality into rationalism (means, technology, efficiency) and human values and mean- ings which become the domain of irrationalism. Therefore, from the perspective of modern political systems, irrationally conditioned modelling of reality under the guise of rationality may be considered an important aspect of the ideological compromise between politics, economics, and the media sphere on the lasting continuity of prosperity for the rich ones.
The goal of this paper is to bring together the constructivist approach to public policy and Michel Foucault's concepts of knowledge, power, and truth, and to synthetize useful insights for public ...policy research from that connection. First, the characteristics of the constructivist approach are elaborated, and commentary is provided on the distinction between "rigid" and "soft" constructivism, and the answers to certain criticisms of constructivism are provided. Then, Foucault's concept of truth is elaborated in detail, as well as other important concepts in Foucault's conceptual apparatus such as knowledge, power and discourse. Finally, the connection between Foucault's work and constructivism is presented. The overarching question of the paper is the question of the possibility of establishing objective truth in the area of social sciences, and the relevance of objective truth for public policy and the political field in general.
RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The research objective of this article is to present the different ways in which the sixteenth-century representatives of the Polish intellectual and political elites, who ...supported republicanism, defined and understood freedom.THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The research problem centres around the description of a model of liberty within the framework defined by the legal order. The key issue was to capture the relationship between, on the one hand, the scope of civil liberty and, on the other hand, the way in which state legal norms were defined and created.THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: After highlighting the importance of freedom as a key category and concept for political thought, the views on freedom and a republic of three sixteenth-century Polish political writers – Stanisław Orzechowski, Wawrzyniec Goślicki, and Piotr Skarga – are discussed. In their political considerations, they paid attention to different aspects, as each of them represented one of the three key “political subjects” ingrained in: democracy (local parliaments called sejmik), aristocracy (senate), and monarchy (king).RESEARCH RESULTS: The analysis conducted in the article allows the following conclusion to be formulated: a characteristic feature of Polish political thought in the sixteenth century, which stemmed from the concept of natural law ingrained in Catholicism, was the definition of freedom as human actions fully compatible with both natural and positive law and the conviction that the most appropriate system to guarantee it was a republic. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: The main recommendation stemming from the analysis is to present the views of Polish political writers on the same topics from three perspectives: those typical of Protestants, Arians, and supporters of absolute monarchy.
This article attempts to answer the question of what it meant to be a Piłsudskiite in the thought and political philosophy of Ignacy Matuszewski. The author omitted the biography and political ...activity of the article’s protagonist as they are already relatively well known, and instead focused on his comments on the topic stated in the title of this article that can be found in Matuszewski’s enormous body of works, produced both in the inter-war period and in exile after 1945. The paper presents the attitude of Piłsudskiites towards Józef Piłsudski, the state, independence, and the phenomenon of dogmatism in political thought towards which the Piłsudskiites, including Matuszewski himself, showed great reluctance. The author indicated that during the period in question, the understanding of the term “Piłsudskiite” in Polish political thought evolved from the name of soldiers serving under Piłsudski’s command to a label denoting all Poles who shared the ideas guiding the First Marshal of Poland.
TZVETAN TODOROV starb am 7. Februar 2017. Was hat er uns hinterlassen? Was bleibt? Die These der nachfolgenden Überlegungen lautet: Mehr noch als seine spezifischen Beiträge zur Literatur- und ...Kulturtheorie sowie zur Geschichte der Philosophie ist TODOROVS intellektueller Ansatz sein eigentliches Erbe.
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