This paper unveils the Trotskyist-Lambertist cell formation in Yugoslavia and the key role played by Yugoslav Trotskyists. It establishes their pre-1972 existence and active involvement in the ...actions leading to the 1972 conviction of three Belgrade students. This pioneering historiographical research sheds new light on post-1968 Belgrade student movement dynamics. Beyond uncovering hitherto unnoticed resistance to the communist regime, this study argues for social history approach, emphasizing activist perspectives, and innovative sources drawn from French archives, private collections, and oral history. The findings offer a nuanced comprehension of the regime’s repression tactics.
Ovaj rad će se baviti ispitivanjem koncepta artikulacije potisnutih ženskih glasova u romanu Alis Voker Boja purpura. Pokušavajući da pronađe adekvatan odgovor na problem razumevanja crnkinja kao ...umetnica, Voker ističe nasleđe ropstva i snagu žena koje su uspele da pronađu svoj kreativni izraz, a samim tim uspeva i da artikuliše ućutkane glasove svojih crnih heroina u Boji purpura. Uvodeći pojam „ženstva”, Alis Voker stvara prostor u kom potisnuti ženski glasovi bivaju artikulisani u borbi protiv represije. Rasa, rod i seksualnost u početku su prikazani kao mesta sukoba i potiskivanja, a potom kao mesta izvora moći. Uporedo sa objavljivanjem ovog romana, javljaju se i prve kritike o crnoj ženskoj književnosti, a Alis Voker postaje prva Afro-Аmerikanka koja je osvojila Pulicerovu nagradu za književnost.
Tajna akcija „Igre 79 Begonja, Zlatko; Knez, Luka
Miscellanea Hadriatica et Mediterranea,
07/2023, Letnik:
9, Številka:
-
Journal Article, Paper
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
Autori temeljem arhivskog gradiva i relevantne literature analiziraju djelovanje jugoslavenske Službe državne sigurnosti tijekom priprema i održavanja VIII. Mediteranskih igara 1979. godine. Žarište ...istraživanja usmjereno je na metode rada obavještajnih struktura, posebice načine vrbovanja i korištenja suradnika te operativne mjere nadzora i praćenja sumnjivih osoba i (mogućih) neprijatelja komunističkog poretka. Cilj je rada pokazati razinu državne represije i nadzora, što je ostalo kao jedna od osnovnih karakteristika jugoslavenskog sustava sve do raspada države.
Iako je uspostavom višestranačja omogućeno istraživanje protukomunističkog otpora u prvim poslijeratnim godinama, u historiografji je broj radova koji se bave ovom problematikom još uvijek skroman. ...Stoga se u ovom radu autorica fokusira na djelovanje križarske skupine Mirka Kapulice. Dio Kapuličine mreže jataka djelovao je na području Cetinske krajine, a pokušaj rekonstrukcije temelji se uglavnom na UDB-inim dosjeima njegovih „jataka“ koji se čuvaju u fondu Sekretarijata za unutrašnje poslove u Državnom arhivu u Splitu.
Na osnovi izvornih arhivskih dokumenata iz Državnog arhiva u Splitu u ovom se radu daje kratki prikaz poslijeratne komunističke represije, zarobljeničkih logora i progona svećenstva na području grada ...Splita i šire okolice. Poseban je naglasak na slučaju fra Petra Turkalja, gvardijana Samostana sv. Josipa, koji je početkom 1946. osuđen na 12 godina zatvora s prisilnim radom. Turkalj je umro za vrijeme izdržavanja kazne u KPD-u Stara Gradiška, a njegovu je presudu u listopadu 2022. poništio Županijski sud u Splitu.
The intention of the occupation forces to close off the occupied territory to the flow of information that would prevent the citizens of Belgrade from being informed using other channels, experienced ...failure. The citizens of this city listened intensely to forbidden radio stations and transmitted information by word of mouth. Occupiers, collaborators, allies, resistance movements, and crimes in the NDH were dominant themes in Belgrade's illegal discourse. The emergence of national poets writing poems with a political connotation was entirely in accordance with the tradition of the Serbian people. We can see clearly that Belgrade restaurants, in this period, also served as a kind of news agency, where one could get all kinds of information or listen to banned songs. Markets, streets, and other places of gathering, where informal conversations were held, were sources where Belgrade citizens could get in touch with forbidden information. Individual examples of violations of a verbal delict, such as Aleksandar Ignjatović, a watchmaker and Leontina Kraus, a teacher, show that there were people among citizens who were not afraid of the repressive measures and threats by the occupation forces and who risked and lost their lives to defend the dignity of the occupied Serbian population. From the very first day, the occupier emphasized that listening to banned radio stations and conducting anti-occupation propaganda would undergo severe punishment. Police and security institutions used a network of associates and police commissioners on the field to prevent this phenomenon and reveal the offenders. Many cases were also discovered on the base of information collected from denunciations. After the investigation, some of the arrested were shot, while others were put into concentration camps or got lighter sentences, which proves that the repressive system did not have unified punishment maintenance. Parallel with police operations, the occupier acted preventively using propaganda. This way the regime intended to intimidate those who spread forbidden news. The need for the implementation of these acts of repression and propaganda is a good example that proves that a lot of people listened to forbidden radio stations and violated verbal delict. Despite the fact that listening to forbidden radio stations and violating the verbal delict was not in correlation with the achievement of military forces goals of the Allies, this kind of unarmed and civil resistance in Belgrade was of great importance. Firstly, we would like to emphasize its moral value. This kind of behavior represented the main defense against the intentions of the invader to crush fundamental values of a society, such as freedom of speech and the right to be informed. Anti-occupation rhetoric speeches compromised the regime and had negative influence on the tendency of the occupier to get the support of the domestic population by use of propaganda, which was one of preconditions for pacification and the exploitation of the occupied territory. Spontaneous spreading of news criticizing the occupier, accented victories of the Allies and defeats of the Wehrmacht were an equally important factor for the affirmation of organized resistance among the domestic population. Undoubtedly the listening of this news could influence the citizens of Belgrade to „run to the woods“ and participate in organizations or support resistance movements as their sympathizers.
V članku na primeru vstajniškega gibanja v Sloveniji (2012–2013) analizirava procese in sprožilce nastajanja, kulminiranja in ugašanja protestnih ciklov ter se pri tem osredotočava na njihove ...lokalno-globalne specifike ter strategije deligitimizacije protestov in pasiviziranja jeznih ljudskih množic. Analiza temelji na intervjujih in fokusnih skupinah s predstavniki in predstavnicami večine vstajniških gibanj v Sloveniji. Ugotavljava, da vstaje v slovenskem prostoru pomenijo prelomni trenutek prehoda v vse izrazitejšo družbo nadzora, ki se kaže skozi kriminalizacijo protestov in v širšem smislu vsakdanjega življenja, drsenjem v policijsko državo in spreminjanjem kodov za »organizacijo« protestov
Through analysis of selected and key articles in Zagreb’s Vjesnik, one of the most influential newspapers in Democratic Federal Yugoslavia, this article shows the world view and main topics of ...interest in the immediate postwar period. The main task of all media, and thereby also Vjesnik, was propaganda for the purposes of promoting party ideology on the basis of a completely egalitarian future for all the nations of Yugoslavia following the example of the Soviet model. Since Vjesnik was a party organ, it transmitted the ideological programme of the Communist Party and alongside its goal of providing news information it had a propagandistic function. This article thus also shows what the role of the press, that is Vjesnik, was in shaping public opinion, with an emphasis on pointing out the manner in which Yugoslavian Communist government repression was carried out in the period from May to August 1945. From the examples presented it can be seen that in Vjesnik much of what was written had to do with the successes of the new Communist government and about the efforts of their enemies to undermine them. This includes a large number of articles dealing with trials concerning wartime and postwar activities. Likewise there was a significant propaganda against the Catholic Church and the Croatian Peasant Party, as well as a constant propaganda about the issue of Trieste’s annexation to Yugoslavia. Besides this, the names of those individuals sentenced to harsh and long punishments, of those who lost their political and civil rights, and of those whose property was confiscated were published.
In the last stages of World War II and in the immediate post-war period Yugoslav communists led a well-organized policy of destruction of the “traitors of the people and state”. In fact they wanted ...to destroy and repress any resistance to the new communist authorities. The first stage in the retribution against anticommunist forces occurred in late 1944, after Tito’s communists forces captured Serbia. In spring of 1945 Tito’s army captured and liquidated a large number of Croatian and Slovenian anticommunist forces, as well as those Serbs who previously fled from Serbia to Slovenia. The consequences of World War II in Yugoslavia were very difficult and they were made worse by large scale post-war executions of all real and also potential enemies of the communists. Major role in the mass liquidation of anticommunist forces was played by new Yugoslav state security police (Department for the protection of people). During Yugoslavia under communists rule their victims were systematically erased from public memory. Only after the fall of communism and breakup of Yugoslav state the fate of victims of the Yugoslav communist regime has become subject of research of historian in the post-Yugoslav states.
Rad na temelju arhivskih izvora, objavljenih i neobjavljenih svjedočenja suvremenika, novinskih priloga te publicističke i znanstvene literature pobija optužnicu i presudu na smrt strijeljanjem od ...31. prosinca 1944. Vojnog suda XI. Korpusne vojne oblasti – Vijeća kod komande goranskog područja protiv katoličkog svećenika Stjepana Horžića, koji je služio kao kapelan u župi Mrkopalj te privremeno upravljao župama u Ravnoj Gori i Vrbovskome. Sud Jugoslavenske armije Horžića je osudio kao „narodnog neprijatelja,“ koji je širio „ustašku ideologiju“ i vjeru u pobjedu Njemačkog Reicha te podrivao vlast Narodnooslobodilačkog pokreta u Gorskome kotaru. Međutim, brojni i različiti izvori nedvojbeno sugeriraju kako Horžićev rad nije izlazio iz okvira djelovanja katoličkog svećenika te da je smaknut jer je vrlo uspješno onemogućavao ostvarivanje utjecaja jugoslavenskih komunista na stanovništvo općine Mrkopalj, posebno djecu, mlade i žene.