Ovaj rad se bavi pokušajima trockista-lambertista da osnuju svoju ćeliju u Jugoslaviji i aktivnostima nekoliko jugoslovenskih trockista kao uporišta tih namera. Dokazuje se da su jugoslovenski ...trockisti postojali pre 1972, te da su zaista sprovodili većinu aktivnosti zbog kojih je troje beogradskih studenata bilo osuđeno 1972. godine. Tema se prvi put obrađuje i donosi potpuno nove uvide u funkcionisanje studentskog pokreta u Beogradu nakon 1968. godine. Pored predstavljanja novih primera otpora komunističkom režimu, ovaj rad donosi inventivnost po pitanju metodologije i izvora, fokusirajući se na perspektivu samih aktivista, uz oslonac na arhive u Francuskoj, privatne zbirke i usmenu istoriju. Zaključci ovog rada omogućavaju nijansiranije razumevanje logike korišćenja represije od strane režima.
Ovaj rad će se baviti ispitivanjem koncepta artikulacije potisnutih ženskih glasova u romanu Alis Voker Boja purpura. Pokušavajući da pronađe adekvatan odgovor na problem razumevanja crnkinja kao ...umetnica, Voker ističe nasleđe ropstva i snagu žena koje su uspele da pronađu svoj kreativni izraz, a samim tim uspeva i da artikuliše ućutkane glasove svojih crnih heroina u Boji purpura. Uvodeći pojam „ženstva”, Alis Voker stvara prostor u kom potisnuti ženski glasovi bivaju artikulisani u borbi protiv represije. Rasa, rod i seksualnost u početku su prikazani kao mesta sukoba i potiskivanja, a potom kao mesta izvora moći. Uporedo sa objavljivanjem ovog romana, javljaju se i prve kritike o crnoj ženskoj književnosti, a Alis Voker postaje prva Afro-Аmerikanka koja je osvojila Pulicerovu nagradu za književnost.
Iako je uspostavom višestranačja omogućeno istraživanje protukomunističkog otpora u prvim poslijeratnim godinama, u historiografji je broj radova koji se bave ovom problematikom još uvijek skroman. ...Stoga se u ovom radu autorica fokusira na djelovanje križarske skupine Mirka Kapulice. Dio Kapuličine mreže jataka djelovao je na području Cetinske krajine, a pokušaj rekonstrukcije temelji se uglavnom na UDB-inim dosjeima njegovih „jataka“ koji se čuvaju u fondu Sekretarijata za unutrašnje poslove u Državnom arhivu u Splitu.
The intention of the occupation forces to close off the occupied territory to the flow of information that would prevent the citizens of Belgrade from being informed using other channels, experienced ...failure. The citizens of this city listened intensely to forbidden radio stations and transmitted information by word of mouth. Occupiers, collaborators, allies, resistance movements, and crimes in the NDH were dominant themes in Belgrade's illegal discourse. The emergence of national poets writing poems with a political connotation was entirely in accordance with the tradition of the Serbian people. We can see clearly that Belgrade restaurants, in this period, also served as a kind of news agency, where one could get all kinds of information or listen to banned songs. Markets, streets, and other places of gathering, where informal conversations were held, were sources where Belgrade citizens could get in touch with forbidden information. Individual examples of violations of a verbal delict, such as Aleksandar Ignjatović, a watchmaker and Leontina Kraus, a teacher, show that there were people among citizens who were not afraid of the repressive measures and threats by the occupation forces and who risked and lost their lives to defend the dignity of the occupied Serbian population. From the very first day, the occupier emphasized that listening to banned radio stations and conducting anti-occupation propaganda would undergo severe punishment. Police and security institutions used a network of associates and police commissioners on the field to prevent this phenomenon and reveal the offenders. Many cases were also discovered on the base of information collected from denunciations. After the investigation, some of the arrested were shot, while others were put into concentration camps or got lighter sentences, which proves that the repressive system did not have unified punishment maintenance. Parallel with police operations, the occupier acted preventively using propaganda. This way the regime intended to intimidate those who spread forbidden news. The need for the implementation of these acts of repression and propaganda is a good example that proves that a lot of people listened to forbidden radio stations and violated verbal delict. Despite the fact that listening to forbidden radio stations and violating the verbal delict was not in correlation with the achievement of military forces goals of the Allies, this kind of unarmed and civil resistance in Belgrade was of great importance. Firstly, we would like to emphasize its moral value. This kind of behavior represented the main defense against the intentions of the invader to crush fundamental values of a society, such as freedom of speech and the right to be informed. Anti-occupation rhetoric speeches compromised the regime and had negative influence on the tendency of the occupier to get the support of the domestic population by use of propaganda, which was one of preconditions for pacification and the exploitation of the occupied territory. Spontaneous spreading of news criticizing the occupier, accented victories of the Allies and defeats of the Wehrmacht were an equally important factor for the affirmation of organized resistance among the domestic population. Undoubtedly the listening of this news could influence the citizens of Belgrade to „run to the woods“ and participate in organizations or support resistance movements as their sympathizers.
V članku na primeru vstajniškega gibanja v Sloveniji (2012–2013) analizirava procese in sprožilce nastajanja, kulminiranja in ugašanja protestnih ciklov ter se pri tem osredotočava na njihove ...lokalno-globalne specifike ter strategije deligitimizacije protestov in pasiviziranja jeznih ljudskih množic. Analiza temelji na intervjujih in fokusnih skupinah s predstavniki in predstavnicami večine vstajniških gibanj v Sloveniji. Ugotavljava, da vstaje v slovenskem prostoru pomenijo prelomni trenutek prehoda v vse izrazitejšo družbo nadzora, ki se kaže skozi kriminalizacijo protestov in v širšem smislu vsakdanjega življenja, drsenjem v policijsko državo in spreminjanjem kodov za »organizacijo« protestov
Through analysis of selected and key articles in Zagreb’s Vjesnik, one of the most influential newspapers in Democratic Federal Yugoslavia, this article shows the world view and main topics of ...interest in the immediate postwar period. The main task of all media, and thereby also Vjesnik, was propaganda for the purposes of promoting party ideology on the basis of a completely egalitarian future for all the nations of Yugoslavia following the example of the Soviet model. Since Vjesnik was a party organ, it transmitted the ideological programme of the Communist Party and alongside its goal of providing news information it had a propagandistic function. This article thus also shows what the role of the press, that is Vjesnik, was in shaping public opinion, with an emphasis on pointing out the manner in which Yugoslavian Communist government repression was carried out in the period from May to August 1945. From the examples presented it can be seen that in Vjesnik much of what was written had to do with the successes of the new Communist government and about the efforts of their enemies to undermine them. This includes a large number of articles dealing with trials concerning wartime and postwar activities. Likewise there was a significant propaganda against the Catholic Church and the Croatian Peasant Party, as well as a constant propaganda about the issue of Trieste’s annexation to Yugoslavia. Besides this, the names of those individuals sentenced to harsh and long punishments, of those who lost their political and civil rights, and of those whose property was confiscated were published.
In the last stages of World War II and in the immediate post-war period Yugoslav communists led a well-organized policy of destruction of the “traitors of the people and state”. In fact they wanted ...to destroy and repress any resistance to the new communist authorities. The first stage in the retribution against anticommunist forces occurred in late 1944, after Tito’s communists forces captured Serbia. In spring of 1945 Tito’s army captured and liquidated a large number of Croatian and Slovenian anticommunist forces, as well as those Serbs who previously fled from Serbia to Slovenia. The consequences of World War II in Yugoslavia were very difficult and they were made worse by large scale post-war executions of all real and also potential enemies of the communists. Major role in the mass liquidation of anticommunist forces was played by new Yugoslav state security police (Department for the protection of people). During Yugoslavia under communists rule their victims were systematically erased from public memory. Only after the fall of communism and breakup of Yugoslav state the fate of victims of the Yugoslav communist regime has become subject of research of historian in the post-Yugoslav states.
Rad je uglavnom nastao na temelju istraživanja više tisuća sačuvanih presuda jugoslavenskih komunističkih vojnih sudova. Ta povijesna građa do sada je bila nekorištena ili malo korištena u ...znanstvenim istraživanjima. Središnja istraživačka tema rada jesu osnovne značajke presuda jugoslavenskih komunističkih vojnih sudova u Hrvatskoj 1944. i 1945. godine. Najprije je prikazana osnovna struktura presuda. Potom su detaljno analizirane karakteristične pojedinačne presude s raznih područja Hrvatske, a u zaključku su navedene glavne zbirne značajke sačuvanih presuda. I ovo je istraživanje upečatljivo potvrdilo da su jugoslavenski vojni sudovi u Hrvatskoj bili revolucionarni sudovi te da su bili dio represivnoga sustava kojim je Komunistička partija Jugoslavije dovršavala proces uspostavljanja svoje totalitarne vlasti. Iz konkretnih presuda jasno se vidi da su se procesi pred vojnim sudovima odvijali prema ideološkim kriterijima i protivno pravnim standardima. Sudski su procesi bili brzi, a kazne nemilosrdne. Krivnja nije dokazivana na temelju konkretnih činjenica, a iskazi i argumenti optuženih odbacivani su bez razmatranja, uz uvredljive i ponižavajuće konstatacije o optuženima. Iako je Uredba o vojnim sudovima za optužene osobe propisivala pravo na branitelja, to pravo nije ostvarila ni jedna od približno 5200 osuđenih osoba za koje postoje sačuvane presude, među kojima nema ni jedne oslobađajuće.
Grad i kotar Koprivnica tek od kraja 1950. godine dobivaju svoje stalno glasilo Glas Podravine. Pokrenut zbog izbornih potreba vladajuće Komunističke partije, taj je lokalni list najprije bio ...povremenik, zatim dvotjednik i od listopada 1953. tjednik. U tom ga razdoblju nisu uređivali i pisali profesionalni novinari, već partijski dužnosnici i aktivisti, koji nisu poštivali temeljna zanatska pravila, već su preko njega ostvarivali svoje političke ciljeve. Unatoč tome, list je zbog brojnih informacija s terena, žestokih komentara i reagiranja čitatelja bio pouzdano ogledalo političkih, socijalnih, gospodarskih i kulturnih prilika, ponajprije obilježenih jednoumljem, masovnom represijom i općom neimaštinom. Stanovništvo je velikim dijelom živjelo od poljoprivrede, koja je bila devastirana neuspjehom prisilno formiranih seljačkih radnih zadruga, a industrija je bila tek u povojima. U trgovinama je manjkao gotovo cjelokupni asortiman, uključujući i ono najvažnije – kruh, sol, šećer i sve vrste energenata. Krivcima su za takvo stanje isključivo proglašavani »protunarodni elementi«. Zato je list povremeno sličio bizarnom spoju crne kronike, gdje su nabrajane zatvorske kazne i ideološka skretanja, i propagandističkog biltena u kojem su građanima poljuljanih ideala davane upute kako ostati na proklamiranom revolucionarnom putu.
Namjera potpunog i radikalnog obračuna jugoslavenskih komunista s neprijateljem neposredno po završetku Drugog svjetskog rata, bila je i odluka Ministarstva unutarnjih poslova DF Jugoslavije od 18. ...svibnja 1945. o uklanjanju grobalja i grobova „okupatora“ i „narodnih neprijatelja“, koja je obuhvatila groblja i nadgrobne spomenike vojnika njemačke, talijanske i mađarske vojske te ustaše, četnike i slovenske domobrane. Da je odluka o uklanjanju grobalja i grobova „okupatora“ i „narodnih neprijatelja“ sustavno provođena i u Vojvodini potvrđuju sačuvani dokumenti i suvremenici događaja, a i stanje na grobljima. Nakon Drugog svjetskog rata u Jugoslaviji, i Vojvodini, grobovi i groblja poginulih partizana i grobovi i groblja žrtava „fašističkog terora“ zakonima su bili zaštićeni i uređivani i održavani, a grobovi i groblja „neprijateljskih“ vojnika i grobovi „suradnika okupatora“ ostali su izvan zakona. I tako je bilo sve do raspada SFR Jugoslavije.
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