Amid steadily declining union density, debate has taken center stage in the American labor movement regarding the potential--or even utility--of reforming the National Labor Relations Act to reverse ...the trend. This Note argues that such reform is possible, through a grand legislative bargain nationalizing the so-called right-to-work regime in exchange for abolishing the NLRB election in favor of the card-check union certification procedure. Using legal, sociological, and radical democratic theory and examples, this Note demonstrates that, counterintuitively, the right-to-work environment can strengthen unions instead of weakening them. Both changes therefore benefit labor.
The Ontario Labour Relations Act (OLRA) has long dictated the legal relationship between trade unions and employers in the province. Although subject to years of delay, when the provincial government ...introduced the OLRA in 1950, its official stance on labour relations was a "hands off" program that was designed to leave collective bargaining to the participants. Often defined as industrial pluralism, this new legal regime was supposed to have been crafted in the name of "fairness and balance" in which trade unions abandoned previous militancy for state-sponsored freedoms. Upon closer examination, however, the provincial government's approach to industrial pluralism was much less hands off than has previously been assumed. Rather, the entrenchment of collective bargaining in Ontario was closely aligned with the class interests of Ontario businesses. Through an examination of the politics surrounding OLRA, this article argues that Leslie Frost's Conservative government structured the Act in order to appease employer demands surrounding increased legal regulation of collective bargaining and union organizing, which limited the extension of unionization throughout the province. In making this observation, the article maintains that the Conservative regime of industrial pluralism was both the by-product and the purveyor of ongoing class antagonism throughout the 1950s. /// La Loi sur les relations de travail de l'Ontario a depuis longtemps gouverné les relations juridiques entre les syndicats et les employeurs dans la province. Bien qu'elle soit assujettie à des années de retard, quand le gouvernement provincial avait introduit la Loi sur les relations de travail en 1950, sa position officielle à l'égard des relations de travail était un programme " non interventionniste " conçu pour laisser la négociation collective aux participants. Souvent défini comme pluralisme industriel, ce nouveau régime juridique était supposé être confectionné au nom de " la justice et l'équilibre " dans lequel les syndicats avaient abandonné le militantisme précédent pour la liberté sanctionnée par l'État. Toutefois, par suite d'un examen minutieux, l'approche du gouvernement provincial au pluralisme industriel était moins non interventionniste que précédemment assumé. L'enchâssement de la négociation collective en Ontario était étroitement aligné avec les intérêts des entreprises de l'Ontario. Par l'intermédiaire d'une étude des politiques se rapportant à la Loi sur les relations de travail, cet article dénote que le gouvernemnet conservateur de Leslie Frost avait structuré cette loi pour faire des concessions aux demandes des employeurs relatives au réglementation juridique accru à l'égard de la négociation collective et au recrutement syndical, qui limitait la croissance de la syndicalisation partout dans la province. En faisant cette observation, cet article insiste sur le fait que le régime conservateur du pluralisme industriel était à la fois le produit dérivé et l'origine de l'antagonisme permanent des classes tout au long des années 1950.
According to our survey of published news and government reports on strike-related activity conducted during the winter and spring of 2017, the number of workers threatening to strike between 2012 ...and 2016 was 199 percent higher than the number who actually did strike according to BLS. Because strike threat information would not provide insight into CES estimates, including it in the strike report would not serve the purpose of the report. Since CES estimates round to thousands of workers, strikes of fewer than 1,000 have little meaningful effect on employment data. The CES data collection forms indicate that responding to the CES survey is mandatory only in three states and Puerto Rico. ...mandating the reporting of strike-related data would require considerable statutory changes at the state and federal levels. 6.The Federal Mediation and Conciliation Service should report details of the outcome of settlements resulting from its intervention in strike threats and strikes.
Seidemann v. Bowen Berhorst, Jennifer
The Urban lawyer,
01/2008, Letnik:
40, Številka:
1
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Seidemann v. Bowen, 499 F.3d 119 (2d Cir. 2007). A union's agency fee procedure, which requires nonunion employees to file annual objections to expenditures and to specify percentages of expenditures ...in dispute to obtain arbitration, violates the nonunion employees' First Amendment rights because both requirements place an unnecessary burden on employees.
This contribution analyses the provisions on the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) in the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe (EU Constitution), focusing on elements that constitute ...a further development of the present acquis in this field. It successively addresses the adoption and status of the EU Constitution and the place of the CSDP therein, the objectives, scope and missions of the CSDP, the actors, decision-making, instruments and implementation, capabilities and permanent structured cooperation, financing, enhanced cooperation and cooperation with third States and other international organisation and concludes with some final remarks. The author argues that the commitment to a common defence as a future objective, the mutual defence clause, even with its caveats, the explicitly broader definition of the EU's crisis management missions, the possibility of enhanced cooperation on defence and of entrusting the execution of a mission to a group of Member States, the commitment to improve capabilities, the permanent structured cooperation and the creation of the function of the Union Minister for Foreign Affairs are significant positive developments in the EU Constitution regarding the CSDP. However, he submits that the CSDP still faces several major challenges, in particular some of the provisions concerned are rather ambiguous, a reference to cooperation with NATO is lacking, Member States will have to live up to their commitments and it remains to be seen whether the EU Constitution will enter into force.
Many analysts of Brazilian industrial relations share a determinist vision of the country’s trade unionism, according to which the unions maintain a paradoxical yet atavistic relationship with the ...heavy body of laws that provide them with advantages while limiting their freedom. We tested this vision by conducting field enquiries into the daily activities of two Brazilian unions: the ABC Metalworkers Union and the Seamstress Union for the Sao Paulo and Osasco Region. In this article, we present the results of our case studies and what they reveal about Brazilian trade unionism’s relationship with the labour legislation. We also briefly discuss former trade union leader and current President Lula’s recent attempts to reform the country’s labour relations system.
Stefanova explores the relative utility of analytical concepts in defining the security posture of the European Union and traces how the evolution of its security features has shaped its continued ...enlargement strategy. He concludes that the eastward enlargement creates an opportunity progressively to enhance the positive security impact of the union well beyond the status of its military capabilities.
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