Požar je bil ena ključnih nevarnosti, ki je zavirala razvoj srednjeveških mest. Pogosti požari so ne glede na to, ali so nastali zaradi nepazljivosti, slabih gorilnih naprav ali vojaškega nasilja, ...prizadeli zlasti tista mesta in stavbe, ki so bile zgrajene iz gorljivih materialov, predvsem lesa in slame. Takšna pa so bila na začetku skoraj vsa srednjeveška mesta, razen priobalnih. Meščani so želeli zmanjšati možnost nastanka požara ter njegove posledice. Tako so z zamenjavo gorljivih gradiv, naprav in izboljšanim vzdrževanjem kurišč in dimnikov ter drugimi preventivnimi ukrepi vplivali tudi na razvoj mesta ter spreminjali arhitekturno podobo mest.
Gregorius Turonensis, od leta 573 škof v Toursu, je postal znan zlasti po svojem obsežnem, deset knjig obsegajočem delu z naslovom Historiae ali Historia Francorum. Kot mojster opisa in pripovedi nam ...je prislikal podobo Galije petega in šestega stoletja, območja, kjer so se spajali elementi galsko-rimske omike z novimi navadami, ki so jih v času velikih selitev s seboj prinašala germanska ljudstva, in kjer sta poganstvo ter heretično arijanstvo izgubila bitko s krščanstvom, ki je prisegalo vernost svete Trojice.
Relations between Stephen Dusan and Ragusa in the research, the results of
which have been exposed here, are observed in their totality, which implies
individual political, social and economic ...moments, all of them observed in
their interdependence. Listed factors include real reciprocity and impact
directly on development of interrelations. Political segment is active and in
many cases decisive, but not an isolate factor in those relationships.
Together with others it participates actively in shaping of those
relationships, for realizing their common interest which is basically
significant and easily noticeable economic factor. Only in such a way and
following that kind of approach it was possible to perceive how medieval
society, both Serbian and Ragusan, was permeated and shaped under the
influence of these factors. The research is clearly chronologically defined
and thematically profiled. Although the dignity of the Young King assigned to
Stephen Dusan as far back as 1322, his first contacts with Ragusa came not
until more than four year later and from that point could be traced
continuously up to two weeks before he died. In these terms, the focus of the
research is on the period from the spring of 1326, to the end of autumn 1355.
In geographic terms, the research framework is leaving territory of Serbia
and Ragusa, following their mutual relations, primarily in the direction of
Venice, the supremacy of which Ragusa did recognize at the time, but only
within the limits of how far these mutual relations could be recognized and
tracked. During the research attention has not been focused only on the
direct relations between the Serbian ruler and the Municipality of Ragusa, so
that the title might be implying. Such an approach would have left aside the
very important process that had taken place between Ragusa and hinterland, or
coastal areas of the Serbian state, having in mind firstly the Trebinje area,
on which leaned largely the territory of Municipality of Ragusa named
Astarea, and the Land of Hum also, and, to a lesser extent, Zeta, primarily
because of geographical distance. It should be noted that in this respect the
emphasis was placed primarily on political relations, because the deeper
discussion on various aspects of economic and social issues would have
distracted attention from the focus of research, producing an imbalance in
commitment to such issues in this area than in other areas of the Serbian
state, for which the source material does not allow such action in the
approach. In the long period of thirty years, which has been the subject of
this research, three most important events are clearly emphasized and they
mark, in every sense of the word, overall relations between Stephen Dusan and
Dubrovnik. The first one happened at the beginning of the royal period of
government in 1333, when Stonski rat (now Peljesac) was given to Ragusa, and
for that the Municipality gained significant opportunities for further
economic and social development. The Chrysobull (golden bull) which the
Emperor Stephen Dusan released to Ragusa in 1349, eclipsed with its
versatility all previous charters by the Municipality received from the
Serbian rulers, and it became a model and a standard for all subsequent
Serbian rulers and feudal moguls every time they regulated their relations
with Ragusa. The third event, the Emperor's visit to Ragusa, which was a year
later (1350), left a significant impression on contemporaries, and especially
of the later generations, remaining in fairly vivid memories of Ragusa even
several centuries later.
Odnosi Stefana Dušana i Dubrovnika u istraživanju čiji rezultati su ovde
izloženi posmatrani su u njihovoj sveobuhvatnosti, pod kojom se podrazumevaju
pojedinačni momenti, politički, društveni i privredni, posmatrani u svojoj
međuzavisnosti. Navedeni činioci jesu u stvarnoj uzajamnosti i neposredno
utiču na razvoj međusobnih odnosa. Politički segment je aktivan, u mnogim
slučajevima presudan, ali ne izolovan činilac tih odnosa. Zajedno sa ostalima
aktivno učestvuje u njihovom oblikovanju u zajedničkom interesu, u čijoj
osnovi je veoma značajan i lako uočljiv privredni činilac. Samo na takav
način i sa takvim pristupom se moglo sagledati koliko je srednjovekovno
društvo, srpsko i dubrovačko bilo prožeto i oblikovano pod uticajima ovih
činilaca. Istraživanje je jasno hronološki određeno i tematski profilisano.
Iako je Stefan Dušan još od samog početka 1322. godine poneo dostojanstvo
mladog kralja, prvi njegovi kontakti sa Dubrovnikom došli su tek nakon nešto
više od četiri godine, i od tada se mogu kontinuirano pratiti sve do dve
nedelje pred njegovu smrt. U tom smislu, težište istraživanja je stavljeno na
period od proleća 1326. do kraja jeseni 1355. godine. U geografskom smislu
istraživanje je napuštalo okvire Srbije i Dubrovnika, prateći njihove
međusobne odnose, pre svega u pravcu Venecije, čiju vrhovnu vlast Dubrovnik u
ovo vreme priznaje, ali samo u granicama dokle se ti zajednički odnosi mogu
prepoznavati i pratiti. Tokom istraživanja pažnja nije bila samo usredsređena
na neposredne odnose srpskog vladara i Opštine dubrovačke, kako bi se to
možda moglo iz naslova naslutiti. Takav pristup ostavio bi po strani veoma
značajne procese koji su se odvijali između Dubrovnika i zaleđa, odnosno
primorskih krajeva srpske države, pre svega imajući na umu Trebinjsku oblast,
na koju se najvećim delom naslanjala teritorija dubrovačke Astareje, zatim
Humsku zemlju i u znatno manjoj meri Zetu, pre svega zbog geografske
udaljenosti. Pri tom, treba naglasiti da je u tom pravcu pažnja usmerena pre
svega na političke odnose, jer bi dublje upuštanje u razmatranje različitih
aspekata privredne i društvene problematike pažnju odvlačilo sa težišta
istraživanja, proizvodeći nesrazmeru u posvećenosti takvim pitanjima na tom
području u odnosu na druge krajeve srpske države, za koje izvorna građa ne
dopušta takav zahvat u pristupu. U periodu dugom tri decenije koji je bio
predmet istraživanja jasno se ističu tri najznačajnija događaja koja su u
punom smislu reči obeležila celokupne odnose Stefana Dušana i Dubrovnika.
Prvi se zbio na početku kraljevskog perioda njegove vlade, kada je Dubrovniku
1333. godine bio ustupljen Stonski rat (danas Pelješac), čime je Opština
stekla značajne mogućnosti za dalji privredni i društveni razvitak.
Hrisovulja koju je car Stefan Dušan izdao Dubrovčanima 1349. godine svojom
sveobuhvatnošću zasenila je sve prethodne povelje koje je Opština dobijala od
srpskih vladara, i postala je model i uzor za sve kasnije srpske vladare i
feudalne moćnike svakog puta kada su uređivali svoje odnose sa Dubrovnikom.
Treći događaj, careva poseta Dubrovniku koja je ostvarena godinu dana kasnije
(1350) ostavila je značajan utisak na savremenike, a naročito na potonje
generacije, ostajući u prilično živom dubrovačkom sećanju i više vekova
kasnije.
Mittelalter Haas, Max
MGG Online,
11/2016
Reference
I. Zur Begriffs- und ForschungsgeschichteWenn Humanisten des 14. und 15. Jh. ihre Gegenwart als Zeit beschrieben, in der das Ideal der klassischen Antike wieder gefunden wurde, brauchten sie ...gelegentl...
V članku so zajeti rezultati sondiranj na petih višinskih naseljih v gričevju, ki se vleče vzdolž Save vzhodno od Ljubljane. Pred-stavljeni so terenski izvidi, najdbe in časovna opredelitev naselij. ...Ajdovščina nad Zaborštom pri Dolu je bila občasno poseljenav pozni bronasti in starejši ter mlajši železni dobi. Fibuli in rimski novci dokazujejo obiske Ajdovščine tudi v rimski dobi. Gradišče nad Dešnom je bilo prvič poseljeno v bakreni dobi. V starejši železni je bilo zgrajeno obzidje, ki je nudilo zatočišče tudi v pozni antiki in zgodnjem srednjem veku. Poselitev Sitarjevca nad Litijo in Pančičevega vrha pod Javorjem v starejši železni dobi je zgolj verjetna, značilne keramične najdbe pa govore o obljudenosti obeh naselij v poznem latenskem obdobju, ko je bila poseljena tudi Gradišca pri Jelšah.
Study of diplomatic patterns of medieval royal documents serves a dual purpose. One would be to systematize and enhance our knowledge about this precious type of historical sources in order to ...facilitate critical appraisal of their usefulness, and the other to help attain a better understanding of the culture of government, that is, the ability of the ruler and the system of government as a whole to recognize different tasks imposed on them by the process of governing a medieval political organism and to deal with these tasks in the form of written documents. Medieval Serbia stands out as a good object for such research not only because that kind of study has never been carried out on its royal documents, but also because it was exposed to the influence of both major European civilizations of that period, Byzantine and Latin, and underwent profound political changes. In this study, diplomatic patterns are examined on three levels, through a process that can be designated as cumulative diplomatic analysis. The first to be examined are patterns of individual diplomatic ingredients – external, internal, and those whose purpose it was to guarantee the documents’ authenticity. Then the focus shifts to the manner in which these ingredients and their variants come together to produce formal patterns of whole documents – charters, letters and more specific patterns within those two groups. Finally, there comes the investigation of links between these formal patterns and the purpose of individual documents in order to establish the presence and degree of mutual identification, as well as the ways in which form adapted to circumstance, thus creating practical “purpose patterns”. In all, the study identified 474 documents of medieval Serbian ruling figures whose authority can be described as royal or quasi-royal, form the grand župans, kings and emperors of the Nemanjic dynasty and the Lazarević and Branković despots to the independent lords of certain larger regions and the exiled rulers of the period after the Turkish conquest in 1459. Analysis of this modest, yet for the most part sufficient body of diplomatic material, consisting of 52% originals, 43% authentic or interpolated copies, and 5% forgeries, demonstrates that there is practically no individual diplomatic ingredient without at least two or three basic variants, while for some it proved impossible to find a single pair of identical formulas in as many as one or two hundred available examples. Variability can be partially attributed to the number of various authors involved (about 40), but also to the language of the documents, as almost a quarter of the material is made up of items originally issued in Latin (14%) and Greek (9%). These items generally follow patterns characteristic of the wider Latin and Greek diplomatic practices, whereas the remaining Serbian material seldom shows the tendency to completely imitate these models, opting instead to use deeply rooted autochthonous variants occasionally “enriched” with certain Greek or Latin traits. As far as it goes, Greek influence is most pronounced in the 14th century, especially after the crowning of King Dušan, the most powerful Nemanjic, as tsar of Serbs and Greeks in 1346, while in the 15th century foreign influence comes overwhelmingly from the Latin world. Regarding formal document patterns, the distinction between charters and letters is clearly visible, with only a few ambivalent examples. Among charters, several formal types can be singled out, falling into two general categories – solemn and plain. The most prominent in the first category is the arengal type, distinguished by the presence of the narrative backbone composed of the arenga, expositio and dispositio, with elements of the protocol inserted into it, and a generally rich and extensive eschatocol attached at its end. This type is well represented among Greek charters (32,5%), while with Serbian ones it constitutes a clear absolute majority (56,5%), its main characteristics in Serbian material being high variability of individual ingredients, but also great consistency and stability of the general pattern, which goes through three centuries without significant change. In addition to the arengal type, solemn charters can be considered to encompass only the type beginning with the expositio, but this is primarily found in Greek material (56,5%), meeting with very modest reception in Serbian production. Plain charters demonstrate a greater tendency towards formalization of individual ingredients and, on the other hand, more dynamic development of the general form. In the Nemanjid period, after a period of early dominance by the type centered around the oath (iuramentum), the major pattern for plain charters is the one beginning with the promulgatio and titular pronoun. However, from the second half of the 14th century, with the appearance of new regional rulers needing to present themselves more clearly, this model is generally supplanted by the one beginning with a proper intitulatio, although usually still followed by a promulgatio. Patterns based on the oath and the promulgation, as well as those beginning with the dispositio or the date, remain present but relegated to supporting roles. This last one is directly borrowed from Latin practice, where it played a respectable second to the dominant intitulatio type. Latin practice is also generally distinguished by the absence of true solemn types, relying instead on external features to achieve a solemn or plain impression. In fact, the main dividing line among Latin items is the one between charters and letters. Letters themselves make up slightly less than 25% of the total number of documents, and are mostly found in Serbian and Latin material. They can broadly be described as moving from an extremely plain pattern to something resembling plain charters, with a formal distinction between letters open and letters closed, although lack of originals does not allow for a more precise definition of this second type within the Serbian material. These formal patterns demonstrate a high level of identification with certain types of purposes. For example, documents concerning donations largely belong to the arengal and, in Greek material, expositional type (84%), with a very clear link between arengal items and donations to ecclesiastical institutions, considered to be the most solemn type of royal act recorded in documents. As opposed to this, donations to the lay nobility are almost equally consistently recorded in the form of plain charters, and the same goes for court verdicts, regardless whether they involve ecclesiastic or lay parties. Interestingly, Serbian material shows international treaties also being recorded in the form akin to plain donation charters, because all surviving items concern relations with foreign factors of lesser international rank, mostly the city of Dubrovnik. Other purpose types – quittances, notifications, credentials, safe conducts, and orders – mostly rely on letters, carefully modified in form and/or contents to suit each task. Certainly the most elaborate such example is seen in the practice dating to the heyday of the Nemanjic state (mid 14th century) whereby quittances were issued in the form of two separate documents – a plain charter to serve as a perpetual instrument of proof and a letter intended as a notification about the performed transaction. The study clearly shows that patterns were present on all three levels. Although never completely consistent, they are most pronounced in the light of the documents’ purpose. This leads to the conclusion that the makers of Serbian medieval royal documents generally had a very good idea on how a documentary record of a certain royal action should look like. Confirmation of that can be found in the names they gave to their documents – for example, zlatopečatno slovo (golden bull) and its synonyms in both Serbian and Greek material refer primarily to arengal and expositional solemn charters, milost (grace) and povelenie (command) to plain charters for lay addressees, knjiga (script) for letters, with especially telling cases when unusual form and content of certan documents is reflected in equally unusual names. It is, however, a whole new issue whether these patterns were based on precisely established – even written – formularies or simply on the power of tradition and the good sense of the document makers. Available information, especially the high variability of individual diplomatic ingredients, speaks in favor of the latter, with true bureaucratic formalism surfacing only occasionally, usually with plain charters and letters. That also opens the issue of possible involvement of addressees in the making of documents and, thereby, the issue of organization of the Serbian royal chancery. Still, there can be no doubt that the makers of Serbian medieval royal documents were aware of differences in the nature of royal actions for which they were expected to provide written record and capable of choosing appropriate diplomatic patterns to adapt those documents to the demands that every action posed.
Istraživanje diplomatičkih obrazaca srednjovekovnih vladarskih dokumenata ima dvojaku svrhu – da sistematizuje i produbi znanja o ovoj dragocenoj vrsti istorijskih izvora kako bi se olakšalo kritičko ocenjivanje njihove saznajne vrednosti i da pomogne da se dođe do bolje predstave o kulturi vlasti, to jest, sposobnosti vladara i upravnog sistema u celini da prepoznaju i u pismenom obliku odgovore na zadatke koje je pred njih postavljalo vođenje jednog srednjovekovnog državnog organizma. Primer srednjovekovne Srbije preporučuje se kao predmet jednog takvog istraživanja već time što u srpskoj nauci ono nikada nije sprovedeno, ali i osobenostima srpskog srednjovekovnog političkog prostora koji se razvijao pod uticajem obe velike evropske civilizacije tog doba, vizantijske i latinske, i prolazio kroz duboke promene. Obrasci su
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