La etapa de El Euskaro (1888-1890) de Sabino Arana Goiri ha sido ignorada hasta ahora por sus biógrafos, más incluso que la etapa de Barcelona (1883-1888), que tampoco ha recibido toda la atención ...que merece. En ambas ocasiones, y en especial en la que aquí nos ocupa, lo que se aprecia es la inserción del fundador del nacionalismo vasco en el tradicionalismo español familiar de origen, donde va madurando un proceso de evolución hacia la idea nacionalista, con altos y bajos, y que solo eclosionará públicamente en 1890. Esta realidad histórica choca con el relato del propio interesado, que hace partir su ideología de un episodio familiar de 1882 –la conversación con su hermano Luis–, que todos sus estudiosos consideran incontrovertible. Aquí demostramos que Luis, en 1882, no era nacionalista, como querría verle su hermano, sino también tradicionalista, primero carlista y luego integrista, y que, por tanto, no pudo comunicarle nada que él, Sabino Arana, no hubiera desarrollado previamente en su evolución ideológica.
O artigo aborda como a leitura dos autores espanhóis Ángel Ganivet, Miguel de Unamuno e José Ortega y Gasset foi fundamental para o desenvolvimento das temáticas “regionalismo”, “tradicionalismo” e ...“formação do povo” na obra de Gilberto Freyre. Argumenta que além dos temas centrais em sua reflexão o método que ancora a abordagem dos escritores hispânicos é reivindicado pelo autor pernambucano, caracterizando sua narrativa. O texto argumenta, ainda, que a combinação desses elementos possibilita a consideração da Península Ibérica e do Brasil como sociedades caracterizadas por traços simultaneamente orientais e ocidentais. Busca apresentar, também, esse perfil híbrido não como uma visão dualista, mas compondo uma definição articulada, apontando a interpretação do conjunto dos autores analisados não marcada pelo regionalismo, mas de caráter totalizador.
The foundations of Islamic philosophy and faith, which go beyond the two primary sources of the Qur'an and Hadith and emphasize the value of Sunni tradition and ijma (ulama consensus), are ...fundamental to traditional-cultural identity of Nahdlatul Ulama's (NU). In addition, NU is renowned for having adapted the ideas of Abu Al-Hasan Al-Asy'ari, Abu Mansur al-Maturidi, Abu Hamid al-Ghazali, and Junayd Al-Baghdadi, as well as in terms of fiqh, or legal practice, mainly referring to Imam al-Shafi'i, representing Islamic conservatism and cultural traditionalism. This cultural traditionalism initially appears to run counter to the notion of NU's cosmopolitanism advanced by a number of its key figures, in particular Gus Dur. This cosmopolitan notion assumes a contemporary, inclusive belief structure and the segregation of religion from public life. Therefore, it is crucial to consider how the traditionalist-cultural movement founded by NU can coexist with a discourse on world beliefs that is becoming more cosmopolitan and assumes a space that is more open to all peoples. This article focuses on the discourse of cosmopolitanism and how NU, as one of the largest mass organizations in Indonesia, responds to this discourse with its approach and cultural background.
Traditionally Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) has been seen as a unidimensional construct. Recently, however, researchers have begun to measure three distinct RWA dimensions (Feldman, 2003; Funke, ...2005; Van Hiel, Cornelis, Roets, & De Clercq, 2006). One of these new multidimensional RWA approaches has conceptualized these three dimensions as Authoritarianism, Conservatism, and Traditionalism (ACT), which are viewed as expressions of basic social values or motivational goals that represent different, though related, strategies for attaining collective security at the expense of individual autonomy. Findings are reported from two studies to assess the validity and predictive utility of the multidimensional ACT approach. First, a direct cross-national comparison showed that the three ACT dimensions were reliable and factorially distinct and demonstrated the measurement invariance of the three latent constructs across Serbian and NZ (New Zealand) samples. The three ACT dimensions predicted self-reported behavior differentially in both samples, and a comparison of latent means showed the Serbian sample higher than the NZ sample on the ACT dimensions of Authoritarianism and Traditionalism but markedly lower on Conservatism. Second, a reanalysis of previously collected NZ data showed that the three ACT scales differentially predicted three dimensions of generalized prejudice in a theoretically meaningful manner. These findings underline the importance of studying ideological attitudes, such as RWA, multidimensionally.
Has polarization influenced how members of the public identify with ideological labels? In our analysis of patterns of ideological identification since the 1970s, we demonstrate that there has been ...an increase in the proportion of the electorate willing to locate themselves on the standard seven-point ideological scale as the parties have polarized. Moreover, consistent with existing evidence of partisan-ideological sorting, our results indicates that most of the increase in identifying with a label is associated with an increase in partisans selecting the ideological label that matches their partisanship. Finally, we show that attitudes toward moral traditionalism are increasingly related to ideological identifications. Our evidence indicates that the broader political system influences how members of the public identify with ideological labels.
From its organisation as a Traditionalist Communion representing anti-liberal traditionalism to a democratic political party that defended federalism and self-managed socialism. From a lack of ...dynastic leadership to the recognition and proclamation of its prince regent Carlos Hugo as pretender to the throne, the man who led the process of «ideological clarification» and modernization of the movement. Keywords Traditionalism; Carlism; collaborationism; ideological clarification; federalism; self-managed socialism. 1.CARLISMO Y FRANQUISMO Las relaciones de la Comunión Tradicionalista, representada por el regente Javier de Borbón-Parma y su jefe-delegado Manuel Fal Conde, con Franco no fueron buenas ni durante la guerra ni una vez concluida. La organización tradicionalista fue sometida al control por la policía y la parapolicía falangista; la mayor parte de sus medios pasaron al patrimonio de FET y de las JONS6, y muchos militantes fueron perseguidos7.
Epistemologists often claim that in addition to belief and disbelief there is a third, neutral, doxastic attitude. Various terms are used: ‘suspending judgment’, ‘withholding’, ‘agnosticism’. It is ...also common to claim that the factors relevant to the justification of these attitudes are epistemic in the narrow sense of being factors that bear on the strength or weakness of one's epistemic position with respect to the target proposition. This paper addresses two challenges to such traditionalism about doxastic attitudes. The first concerns the relevance of non‐epistemic factors we might call “future‐comparative” – e.g., that you'll have more decisive evidence on whether p tomorrow – to the justification of suspending judgment. The second, from Jane Friedman, is to explain the point of the neutral attitude without appealing to inquiry and thus taking goal‐related factors, which are not epistemic, such as the value of the goal or the prospects for finding means to achieve it, to bear on the justification of the neutral attitude. My defense of traditionalism relies on distinguishing three ways of being neutral on a question: agnosticism, inquiry and suspension of judgment. Traditionalism is saved because, of these, agnosticism alone is a genuine doxastic attitude.
While posited as a unified ideology, Christian Nationalism (CN) actually contains two distinct views of what it means to be a “Christian Nation”—one which envisions a Christian civil society separate ...from the profanities of politics, what we call “Religious Traditionalism.” The other envisions a Christian federal government where power is wielded exclusively by ethno‐religious insiders, or “Christian Statism.” Multiple waves of two national surveys confirm that current measures of CN contain these two factors, which have become increasingly divergent in the past 20 years. In addition, we find that Christian Statism predicts nativism, Islamophobia, anti‐Semitism, and racial distrust while Religious Traditionalism, in most instances, predicts the opposite. Historically, Religious Traditionalists have always sought to influence civil society and focused mainly on family/sexual issues. But a different brand of CN has emerged, wherein all federal and state authority should rightfully and exclusively belong to Christian Statists.
Given the prejudice against transgender people and the setbacks faced by transgender political candidates, an online survey was conducted (among a convenience sample of American adults recruited ...through Amazon Mechanical Turk) to investigate what influence public support for transgender candidates and rights and how to increase such support. The study found that moral traditionalism was negatively associated with support for transgender candidates and rights. The diversity of interpersonal contact with transgender individuals not only was positively related to the support but undermined the negative relationships between moral traditionalism and the support. More importantly, the study showed that anxiety toward transgender people mediated all the relationships observed here. These findings not only indicate how and why moral traditionalism and interpersonal contact diversity may affect public opinion toward transgender candidates and rights but also suggest ways to increase public support for transgender candidates and rights.
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