Sažetak Autor u tekstu ispituje osnovna obilježja uporabe personalizacije izbora kao važnog aspekta kandidatskih preferencija u kampanjama u suvremenoj Hrvatskoj na predsjedničkim, lokalnim i ...parlamentarnim izborima u razdoblju od 2000. do 2021. Analiziraju se teze o prisutnosti personalizacije u naznačenom razdoblju, o njenoj uporabi od strane pobjednika izbora u usporedbi s izbornim gubitnicima, korištenju personalizacije za konstrukciju imidža i isticanje stvarnih svojstava te njezine povezanosti sa stranačkom identifikacijom i problemskom orijentacijom. Autor zaključuje kako personalizacija zahtijeva dublja teorijska promišljanja i sustavno provođenje empirijskih istraživanja koja bi trebala zahvatiti cjelinu pojave personalizacije izbora umjesto ograničene raščlambe izbornih kampanja.
In the article, the author examines the basic characteristics of the use of personalization of elections as an important aspect of candidate preferences in campaigns in contemporary Croatia in presidential, local, and parliamentary elections 2000-2021. The following theses are analyzed: on the presence of personalization of politics in the indicated period, its use by the electoral winners in comparison to electoral losers, its use either for the image construction or the highlighting of real characteristics, and its connection either with party identification or problem orientation. The author concludes that personalization requires deeper theoretical reflections and systematic empirical research that should cover the entire phenomenon of personalization of elections instead of a limited analysis of election campaigns.
Sukob između organiziranih navijača i vodstva HNS-a znatno obilježava političke i društvene aspekte nogometa u suvremenoj Hrvatskoj. U razmatranju te pojave se primjenjuje podjela društvenih sukoba ...na horizontalne i vertikalne Alberta O. Hirschmana: prvi su tipa „ili mi ili oni“ i izrazito obilježeni emocijama i nasiljem, uslijed čega su nepogodni za kompromise; vertikalni su djeljivi i više određeni racionalnim pristupom pa se mogu prevladati demokratskim postupcima. Analiza pokazuje kako ispitani sukob sadrži elemente obje vrste, ali je u njemu prisutniji horizontalni sukob zbog nespremnosti suprotstavljenih aktera za postizanje kompromisnoga dogovora, opterećenosti emocijama i nasiljem (navijači) te uporabe manipulacija (nogometni dužnosnici).
Conflict between organised supporters and the leadership of the Croatian Football Federation considerably determines the political and social aspects of football in contemporary Croatia. Our analysis ...of this phenomenon employs Albert O. Hirschman's dichotomy between horizontal and vertical social conflict: horizontal social conflict is of the ''either us or them'' type, and is particularly characterised by emotions and violence, making it less suitable for compromise; vertical conflicts are divisible and more defined by a rational approach, so they can be overcome by democratic procedures. Analysis shows that conflict between supporters and the football establishment displays features of both types, although it tends more towards the horizontal model due to the unwillingness of the opposing parties to reach a compromise, as they are burdened by emotions and violence (supporters) and use manipulation (football establishment officials).
The presidential election that was held in Croatia on the last Sunday of 2014 (first round) and the second Sunday of 2015 (second round)1 resulted in a tight victory for Kolinda Grabar-Kitarović, the ...candidate of the right-wing Croatian Democratic Union (Hrvatska Demokratska Zajednica, HDZ) and another seven right-wing parties, over the incumbent Ivo Josipović, the candidate of the governing Social Democratic Party (Socijaldemokratska partija Hrvatske, SDP) and another sixteen parties of the left and centre.
Ne žele biti teret svojoj stranci Galić, Marin; Culifaj, Anita; Lalić, Dražen
Medijska istraživanja,
06/2023, Volume:
29, Issue:
1
Journal Article, Paper
Peer reviewed
Open access
Različite afere koje uključuju političare i druge javne dužnosnike česta su pojava na hrvatskoj političkoj sceni u posljednjem desetljeću. Komuniciranje uključenih aktera u tom za njih neugodnom ...trenutku dosad nije bilo predmetom dubljih istraživanja društvenih znanstvenika na ovim prostorima. Zbog velikoga tehničkog razvoja medija, snažne personalizacije komunikacije i ostalih razloga, političari su vrlo svjesni važnosti svoje prisutnosti u javnosti, što u izvjesnim situacijama uključuje i krizno komuniciranje. Rad ispituje postoji li u toj komunikaciji na relaciji političari – mediji zajednički kolektivno prihvaćeni obrazac koji pripada njihovu specifičnom habitusu i odvija li se dinamika komuniciranja političara od početka afere do njezina javnog okončanja dominantno u skladu s njihovom lojalnošću stranci i instituciji kojoj pripadaju. U istraživanju je korištena metoda kvalitativne analize sadržaja. U razdoblju od 2010. do 2021. analizirano je 35 afera političara i dužnosnika (ukupno 471 izjava) koje prema kvantitetu i sadržaju adekvatno predstavljaju komuniciranje ključnih aktera afera. Istraživanje je pokazalo kako se afersko komuniciranje odvija u tri faze: u prvoj fazi političari pod svaku cijenu nastoje poricati postojanje afere i svoju odgovornost u njoj. U drugoj fazi uglavnom prebacuju krivnju, prije svega na medije, a zatim i na druge aktere iz afere, ali i na političke suparnike. Pritom u komunikaciji koriste personalizaciju i uključuju svoj imidž. Treća faza uključuje suočavanje sa strankom u kojoj političari svoje interese podređuju onima svoje stranke. U toj fazi potvrđuje se kako se komunikacija političara odvija dominantno u skladu s lojalnošću stranci. Istraživanje također pokazuje kako tijekom svih triju faza komunikacije političari intenzivno upotrebljavaju svoje kapitale, a najizrazitije onaj socijalni, kako bi suzbili optužbe, odnosno ojačali svoj ugled u javnosti, naročito unutar svoje stranke.
Various scandals involving politicians and other public officials have been a common occurrence on the Croatian political scene over the last decade. The communication of the actors involved in this awkward moment for them has so far not been the subject of research by social scientists in this area. Due to the great technical development of the media, distinct personalization of communication and other reasons, politicians are more than aware of the importance of their presence in public, which includes crisis communication in certain situations. The paper examines whether there is a common, generally accepted pattern in this communication involving politicians and the media pertaining to their specific habitus, as well as whether the dynamics of the politicians’ communication from the beginning of the affair to its public end are predominantly in line with their loyalty to their parties and institutions. The method used within this research is qualitative content analysis. In the period from 2010 to 2021, 35 scandals involving politicians and public officials were analysed (a total of 471 statements), which, in terms of quantity and content, adequately represent the communication of key actors in the scandals. Research has shown that crisis communication takes place over three stages: during the first stage, politicians try to deny the existence of the scandal and their responsibility for it at all costs. In the second stage, they mostly shift the blame, first onto the media, then other actors involved in the scandal, but also political rivals. In doing so, they use personalization in communication and rely on their image. The third stage involves confronting the party in whose favour politicians subordinate their interests. When it comes to that stage, it has been determined that political communication takes place predominantly in accordance with the loyalty to the party. The research has also shown that during all three stages of communication, politicians use their capital intensively, notably the social one, in order to suppress accusations, i.e. strengthen their public image and reputation within their parties.
Conflict between organised supporters and the leadership of the Croatian Football Federation considerably determines the political and social aspects of football in contemporary Croatia. Our analysis ...of this phenomenon employs Albert O. Hirschman's dichotomy between horizontal and vertical social conflict: horizontal social conflict is of the ''either us or them'' type, and is particularly characterised by emotions and violence, making it less suitable for compromise; vertical conflicts are divisible and more defined by a rational approach, so they can be overcome by democratic procedures. Analysis shows that conflict between supporters and the football establishment displays features of both types, although it tends more towards the horizontal model due to the unwillingness of the opposing parties to reach a compromise, as they are burdened by emotions and violence (supporters) and use manipulation (football establishment officials).
The paper presents results of the research into main messages of the 2011 parliamentary election campaign in Croatia. Contents analysis of television adverts and billboards show that the campaign was ...defined more by utilitarian marketing than by ambition to improve the democratic process and enhance debate on important social issues. In interpreting the results, we use the theoretical approach of Americanization, developed in the framework of contemporary political communication. The research has shown that there has been much more modernization in communication skills and technics used during the campaign, and much less when it comes to political contents. The paradox of this campaign was that it failed to focus on issues such as economic crisis and the struggle against corruption, although there has been a wide consensus that these were the main issues of political and social life at the time of elections.
U članku se analiziraju ključne odrednice javne politike suzbijanja ovisnosti o drogi i zlouporabe droge Grada Splita od 1994. do 2007. godine. U njemu su prezentirani osnovni rezultati istraživanja ...koje je provedeno metodom studije slučaja, u sklopu kojega su uporabljeni polustrukturirani intervju, analiza različitih dokumenata i drugi metodski postupci. Interpretacija rezultata istraživanja, zasnovana na različitim teorijskim pristupima, pokazuje kako je javna politika suzbijanja ovisnosti o drogi i zlouporabe droge Grada
Splita rijedak primjer moderne, kvalitetno osmišljene i uspješne javne politike u suvremenoj Hrvatskoj. Provedba te javne politike, uz ostale čimbenike, znatno je utjecala na zaustavljanje trenda širenja ovisnosti o heroinu u drugom najvećem gradu u Hrvatskoj krajem
prošloga desetljeća i na osjetno smanjenje broja novoregistriranih ovisnika o heroinu u analiziranom razdoblju u cijelosti. Slijedom tih promjena Split je od “grada slučaja’’ u stručnoj i široj javnosti postao prepoznatljiv kao “grad model’’ suzbijanja ovisnosti o drogi
i zlouporabe droge.
The aim of this paper is to compare the Western European scientific insight into the relation between sport and violence in contemporary societies with the respective Croatian scientific insight. The ...point of departure for the comparison is the excellent evaluation of the available scientific research of this relation offered in the book of the French sociologists Bodin, Robéne and Héas Sport and Violence in Europe. They analyse the sociological, political science, psychological and other research of sport related violence, including those of its aspects that have been insufficiently recognized or neglected; they especially highlight the importance of understanding the violence of extremist sport fans for the understanding of the whole phenomenon. From 1980’s onwards the violence of sport fans is equally present in Croatia as in the countries of EU but in the last decade Croatia cannot stand comparison with the EU countries when it comes to the efficiency of the measures undertaken to prevent and bring an end to this type of violence. The authors of this paper claim that the respective research of Croatian sociologists, political scientists and others can stand comparison with those in the Western European countries as to their theoretical insight, applied methodology and the quality of interpretations. This is true, however, only regarding the research of manifest violence, and it does not entirely apply for research of latent violence.
The paper analyses the key determinants of the policy of drug addiction and abuse control in the City of Split in the period between 1994 and 2007. It presents the essential results of the research ...conducted using the case study method, within which semi-structured interviews, analysis of various documents and other methodological techniques were used. The interpretation of the research results, based on diverse theoretical approaches, shows that the policy of drug addiction and abuse control in the City of Split is a rare example of modern, adequately designed and successful policy in contemporary Croatia. The implementation of this policy, among other factors, significantly affected the halting of the trend of expansion of heroin addiction in the second largest city in Croatia at the end of the last decade, and a considerable decrease in the number of newly registered heroin addicts in the analysed period as a whole. As a result of these changes, from a “lost-cause city” Split has turned into a “model city” of drug addiction and abuse control in the eyes of the professional and general public.
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