Increasing cesarean section rates have led to an increased awareness of associated complications such as the formation of cesarean scar niche, defined as an indentation at the site of the cesarean ...scar with a depth of at least 2 mm, diagnosed by ultrasound or magnetic resonance imaging. The precise prevalence of cesarean scar niche is unclear. The cause of a cesarean scar niche appears to be multifactorial and likely a combination of technical factors (low incision location), anatomical factors (uterine retroflexion), and patient factors, which might impair healing (body mass index, smoking, maternal age). Most patients with cesarean scar niche are asymptomatic; however, women can present with postmenstrual bleeding, pelvic pain, and subfertility. In pregnancy, cesarean scar niches have been associated with placenta accreta spectrum disorder and uterine rupture. Treatment should be reserved for symptomatic women. Hormonal treatment using either the combined oral contraceptive pill or a progesterone‐containing intrauterine device may address irregular vaginal bleeding. Surgical management should be reserved for those in whom hormonal manipulation has failed or is contraindicated. The aim of this review was to summarize current literature pertaining to the cause, prevalence, diagnosis, and symptoms of cesarean scar niche and to make recommendations for managing this relatively new condition.
Synopsis
This review aims to summarize the current literature pertaining to the aetiology, prevalence, diagnosis, and symptoms of cesarean scar niche, as well as provide recommendations for managing this relatively new condition.
•Improving productivity was the most effective strategy to reduce emissions and costs.•The accounting methods disagreed on the total abatement potential of mitigation measures.•Thus, it may be ...difficult to convince farmers to adopt certain abatement measures.•Domestic offsetting and consumption based accounting are options to overcome current methodological issues.
Marginal abatement cost curve (MACC) analysis allows the evaluation of strategies to reduce agricultural greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions relative to some reference scenario and encompasses their costs or benefits. A popular approach to quantify the potential to abate national agricultural emissions is the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change guidelines for national GHG inventories (IPCC-NI method). This methodology is the standard for assessing compliance with binding national GHG reduction targets and uses a sector based framework to attribute emissions. There is however an alternative to the IPCC-NI method, known as life cycle assessment (LCA), which is the preferred method to assess the GHG intensity of food production (kg of GHG/unit of food). The purpose of this study was to compare the effect of using the IPCC-NI and LCA methodologies when completing a MACC analysis of national agricultural GHG emissions. The MACC was applied to the Irish agricultural sector and mitigation measures were only constrained by the biophysical environment. The reference scenario chosen assumed that the 2020 growth targets set by the Irish agricultural industry would be achieved. The comparison of methodologies showed that only 1.1 Mt of the annual GHG abatement potential that can be achieved at zero or negative cost could be attributed to agricultural sector using the IPCC-NI method, which was only 44% of the zero or negative cost abatement potential attributed to the sector using the LCA method. The difference between methodologies was because the IPCC-NI method attributes the abatement from agricultural mitigation measures, partially or fully, to other sectors within a nation or to activity taking place in other countries. This suggests that it may be politically difficult to justify to farmers that mitigation measures should be adopted in agriculture, if the accounting process does not credit this mitigation to them. The disagreement between methodologies also indicates that unilateral national or regional policies to reduce agricultural GHG emissions based on the IPCC-NI method could lead to mitigation options that increase global emissions (carbon leakage). The limitations of the IPCC-NI method for assessing national agricultural GHG emissions could be overcome by reforming or expanding the accounting methodology to include domestic offsetting and to assess emissions associated with national consumption via LCA. This would overcome the problem of carbon leakage and credit (in part) agricultural practices that reduce emissions in other sectors or nations without emission caps.
The shadow-politics of Wolofisation BRIEN, DONAL CRUISE O'
The Journal of modern African studies,
03/1998, Volume:
36, Issue:
1
Journal Article
Peer reviewed
Open access
The relationship between language and politics in the African post-colony remains obscure and underexamined. Here we withdraw into a
poorly lit area, an area of potentialities, where new political ...shapes
may
emerge as the outcome of half-conscious choices made by very large
numbers of people. Language choices in the first place: the expansion
of the Wolof language in Senegal, principally though far from
exclusively an urban phenomenon, is to be seen in a context where the
individual may speak several languages, switching linguistically from
one social situation to another. Such multilingualism is general in
Africa: the particularity of the Wolof case, at least in Senegal, is the
extent to which this language has spread, far beyond the boundaries of
core ethnicity, of a historical Wolof zone from the colonial or pre-colonial periods. And these individual language choices cast their
political shadow. The political consequences of this socio-linguistic phenomenon are as
yet indistinct, but to see a little more clearly one should in the second
place relate it to the subject of the politics of ethnicity. Language is
of
course an important element in any definition of ethnicity, and there is
an evident overlap; but the politics of language is also a distinguishable
subject in its own right. Where the assertion of ethnic identity can be
identified as a possible weapon in the individual's struggle for power
and recognition within the colonial and post-colonial state, the choice
of a language is that of the most effective code in the individual's
daily
struggle for survival. Language choice in such a setting may be less a
matter of assertion, the proud proclamation of an identity, than it is
one
of evasion, a more or less conscious blurring of the boundaries of
identity. And in Senegal the government itself by its inaction has
practised its own shadow-politics of procrastination.
The Senegalese exception Brien, Donal B. Cruise O'
Africa (London. 1928),
07/1996, Volume:
66, Issue:
3
Journal Article, Book Review
Peer reviewed
Senegal is exceptional among African states for several reasons: obviously for its particularly long colonial experience of French sovereignty, and its special position in the post-colonial world of ...la francophonie; also for its preservation of a form of multi-party democratic politics since independence, more accurately a semi-democracy of the political elite; and the country is exceptional above all in seeing the elaboration of a peculiarly effective institutional network for the assertion of an authentic ('empirical') statehood over most of the national territory, involving rural masses as well as elites, through the intermediary auspices of the Sufi brotherhoods or orders. (Franqois Mitterand when Minister of the Overseas Territories in the 1950s had spoken in very much the same terms.) Francois Constantin, in his survey 'The foreign policy of francophone Africa: clientelism and after', sets out some of the relevant ground rules: 'A great power, or any state purporting to be a great power, needs a network of allies who can furnish symbolic proof of its greatness and, in more concrete terms, provide support in difficult negotiations or international conflicts . . Civilian rule has continued since independence in Cote d'Ivoire or in Cameroun, as well as in Senegal, but the principle of political opposition has much longer been incorporated into Senegalese presidential strategies of political survival (Klaus Ziemer, 'The African one-party state', in State and Society in Francophone Africa). There would appear to be a grim convergence now at work, where African states are concerned: as the economist Philippe Hugon remarks ('Models and economic performance', in State and Society in Francophone Africa), 'African countries have experienced common internal dynamics and have witnessed the development of similar phenomena: population growth, urbanisation, destruction of eco-systems, crisis in agriculture, deindustrialisation and the proliferation of informal economic activities' (p. 123).
The senegalese social contract to the test.
The Senegalese State has been tied to the religious brotherhoods for a long time by a social contract which is notow threatened. Since Abdou Diouf has come ...to power, the modernization of the political and administrative machinery seems to be bound to a conflict with the islamic tradition, bringing abouts faults in the logic of clientelism which had until now been operating. The elections not being considered as a way to a democratic alternation, the successful example of the Senegalese political stability is now challenged.
Le contrat social qui a longtemps lié l’État sénégalais aux confréries religieuses est aujourd’hui menacé. Depuis l'arrivée au pouvoir d'Abdou Diouf, en effet, la modernisation de l’appareil politique et administratif semble devoir se heurter à la tradition islamique, provoquant des failles dans la logique clientéliste qui avait bien fonctionné jusque là. Les élections ne constituant pas vraiment un moyen d’alternance démocratique, c’est, ainsi, la réussite de l’exemplaire stabilité politique sénégalaise qui se trouve mise en cause.
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