An incisive analysis of the use of the press for propaganda purposes during conflicts, using the first Gulf War and the intervention in Kosovo as case studies.
As the contemporary analysis of ...propaganda during conflict has tended to focus considerably upon visual and instant media coverage, this book redresses the imbalance and contributes to the growing discourse on the role of the press in modern warfare.
Through an innovative comparative analysis of press treatment of the two conflicts it reveals the existence of five consistent propaganda themes: portrayal of the leader figure, portrayal of the enemy, military threat, threat to international stability and technological warfare. As these themes construct a fluid model for the analysis and understanding of propaganda content in the press during conflicts involving British forces, they also provide the background against which the author can discuss general issues regarding propaganda. Amongst the issues which have become increasingly relevant to both recent academic debate and popular culture, the author tackles the role of the journalist in war coverage, the place of the press in a news market dominated by ‘instant’ visual media and the effectiveness of propaganda in specific cultural and political context.
This book will appeal to advanced students and researchers in war studies, media studies/propaganda and psychology.
Looks at the sources of stability and instability in post-Soviet authoritarian states through the case study of President Lukashenka's firm hold on power in Belarus. In particular, it seeks to ...understand the role of energy relations, policies, and discourses in the maintenance of this power. The central empirical question Balmaceda seeks to answer is what has been the role of energy policies in the maintenance of Lukashenka's power in Belarus? In particular, it analyzes the role of energy policies in the management of Lukashenka's relationship with three constituencies crucial to his hold on power: Russian actors, the Belarusian nomenklatura, and the Belarusian electorate. In terms of foreign relations, the book focuses on the factors explaining Lukashenka's ability to project Belarus' power in its relationship with Russia in such a way as to compensate for its objective high level of dependency, assuring high levels of energy subsidies and rents continuing well beyond the initial worsening of the relationship in c. 2004. In terms of domestic relations, Balmaceda examines Lukashenka's specific use of those energy rents in such a way as to assure the continuing support of both the Belarusian nomenklatura and the Belarusian electorate.
Kyrgyzstan is an interesting example of a relatively weak state, which for its brief period of independence has already ousted two presidents, experienced two revolutions, survived two interethnic ...conflicts and yet remained intact. This book explores this apparent paradox and argues that the schism between domestic and international dimensions of state and regime security is key to understanding the nature of Kyrgyz politics. The book shows how the foreign policy links to the Manas Air Base, used by the US military and essential for supplying their forces in Afghanistan, the economic arrangements necessary for sustaining the base, both inside and outside Kyrgyzstan, and the myriad of different actors involved in all this, combined to overshadow points of friction to ensure stable continuance of the status quo. Overall, the book shows how broad geopolitical forces and complex local factors together have a huge impact on the formation of Kyrgyz foreign policy.
Kemel Toktomushev is a Research Fellow in the Institute of Public Policy and Administration, University of Central Asia.
Introduction
1. One world, rival theories
2. Foreign policy and regime security of weak states
3. Development of Kyrgyz foreign policy
4. Military security and foreign policy
5. Manas Air Base
Conclusion
For a decade Russia has been dismantling communism and building capitalism. Describing a deeply flawed fledgling market economy, Capitalism Russian-Style provides a progress report on one of the most ...important economic experiments going on in the world today. It describes Russian achievements in building private banks and companies, stock exchanges, new laws and law courts. It analyzes the role of the mafia, the rise of new financial empires, entrepreneurs and business tycoons, and the shrinking Russian state. Thane Gustafson tells how the Soviet system was dismantled and the new market society was born. He argues that this new society is changing constantly, so that any assessment of success and failure would be premature. Identifying investment as vital to preserving Russia's status as a major industrial power, in his final chapter he examines the prospects for an economic miracle in Russia in the twenty-first century.
This discussion concerns the flowage of the 1991 lava lobes at Unzen that were suggested by Goto et al. (2020) to be moving rigidly. Pictorial evidence of flowage of the 1991 lava lobe of Unzen, such ...as morphological change of the lava lobe, protrusion of the front of lava lobe, crease structure, and wrinkle surface of lava blocks, are presented. Differences in the interpretation of flow mechanisms may reflect slight difference in temperature and glass composition of the lavas. Temperatures used by Goto et al. (2020) were 780–880 °C, whereas those estimated by Venezky and Rutherford (1999) were 900 ± 30 °C. The groundmass glass compositions of 1991 blocks of Unzen dacite used by Goto et al. (2020) are 1–2 wt% higher in SiO2 than those of Nakada and Motomura (1999) and ours, suggesting that the samples used by Goto et al. (2020) represent the cooler rigid parts of the lava lobes. The lava viscosity is delicately influenced by cooling, dewatering, and crystallization during eruption. The direct application of experimental results to understanding the rheological behavior of natural lavas needs much more careful consideration.
In 1991, a small group of Russians emerged from the collapse of the Soviet Union and enjoyed one of the greatest transfers of wealth ever seen, claiming ownership of some of the most valuable ...petroleum, natural gas and metal deposits in the world. By 1997, five of those individuals were on Forbes Magazine's list of the world's richest billionaires. These self-styled oligarchs were accused of using guile, intimidation and occasionally violence to reap these rewards. Marshall I. Goldman argues against the line that the course adopted by President Yeltsin was the only one open to Russia, since an examination of the reform process in Poland shows that a more gradual and imaginative approach worked there with less corruption and a wider share of benefits.
The Piratization of Russia is an accessible, timely and topical volume that is required reading for those with an interest in Russian reform. Its appeal will range from students, academics, economists and politicians to the interested lay-reader keen to understand Russia's problems and learn how they could have been avoided.
Marshall I. Goldman is Davis Professor of Russian Economics, Emeritus at Wellsley College and Associate Director of the Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies, Harvard, USA.
1. Russia's Financial Bucaneers: The Wild and Wooly East 2. Setting the Stage: The Russian Economy in the Post-Communist Era 3. The Legacy of the Czarist Era: Untenable and Unsavory Roots 4. It's Broke, So Fix It: The Stalinist and Gorbachev Legacies 5. Privatization: Good Intentions but the Wrong Advice at the Wrong Time 6. The Nomenklatura O ligarchs 7. The Upstart Oligarchs 8. FIMACO: The Russian Central Bank and Money Laundering at the Highest 9. Corruption, Crime and the Russian Mafia 10. Who Says There Was No Better Way? 11. Confidence or Con Game: What Will it Take?
'A tale of the making of rich oligarchs in the wake of the collapse of the Soviet Union and of the mafia’s role in these reforms.' - The Independent Review
'A clear, freewheeling account of ...the insider-dominated transfer of public property to a small number of "oligarchs."' - Foreign Affairs
'A testament to his longtime argument that Russia could have -- and should have -- done more to see to it that ordinary people were not left behind by the hastily envisioned new market economy.' - Moscow Times
For better or worse, the former Soviet republics of Central Asia have largely completed their post-independence transitions. Over more than a decade, they have established themselves as independent ...states whose internal regimes and external relations have characteristic patterns and vulnerabilities both individually and as a group. The purpose of this volume is to assess both what has been accomplished and the trends of development in the region, especially its leading states. How sound are the foundations of this "bulwark against the spread of terrorism" in Eurasia?
Beyond the Euromaidan examines the prospects for advancing reform in Ukraine in the wake of the February 2014 Euromaidan revolution and Russian invasion. It examines six crucial areas where reform is ...needed: deep internal identity divisions, corruption, the constitution, the judiciary, plutocratic "oligarchs," and the economy. On each of these topics, the book provides one chapter that focuses on Ukraine's own experience and one chapter that examines the issue in the broader context of international practice.Placing Ukraine in comparative perspective shows that many of the country's problems are not unique and that other countries have been able to address many of the issues currently confronting Ukraine. As with the constitution, there are no easy answers, but careful analysis shows that some solutions are better than others. Ultimately, the authors propose a series of reforms that can help Ukraine make the best of a bad situation. The book stresses the need to focus on reforms that might not have immediate effect, but that comparative experience shows can solve fundamental contextual challenges. Finally, the book shows that pressures from outside Ukraine can have a strong positive influence on reform efforts inside the country.
Russia has been on a wild roller-coaster ride for the past three decades with no end in sight. Just in the past year as the global financial crisis deepened, the conventional perception of Russia has ...changed from a "safe haven" from the economic tsunami to one of the hardest hit larger markets in the world. The Russia Balance Sheet provides comprehensive, balanced, and accurate information on all key aspects of Russia's developments and their implications for the United States and other nations. The book argues that, after the strained Bush-Putin years, the Obama administration must seize the initiative to define both its policy toward Russia and the agenda for the many multilateral meetings already planned. * The book offers policy prescriptions for both the United States and Russia. It is imperative that the Obama administration establish an explicit Russia policy rather than subordinating it to other issues in order to enable the administration to make necessary tradeoffs and follow up on promises. An interagency group for Russia has been created under the leadership of the National Security Council's senior director for Russia; this group should determine the Russia policy and issue an NSC directive. As a new Russia policy is crafted and an NSC directive on Russia adopted, President Obama should make a public statement on his Russia policy. * Ideally, President Obama would declare his determination to finally persuade the US Congress to graduate Russia from the Jackson-Vanik Amendment to the Trade Act of 1974. As for Russia, it should accede to the World Trade Organization (WTO) to secure its successful international integration and an improvement of its legal standards. The Kremlin needs to introduce transparent procurement procedures for major investments to relieve infrastructure bottlenecks. Property rights must be reinforced and renationalization stopped to ease the problems in banking and energy production. Finally, with the first full-scale summit between Presidents Obama and Medvedev to take place in Italy in July 2009, the authors argue that the two presidents should recommit to fulfilling the April 2008 Sochi Declaration and to reestablishing a broader organized cooperation mechanism between the two countries, like that of the Gore-Chernomyrdin Commission, to promote action and accountability.
