Bu çalışmada George Orwell’ın 1984 ve Selim Erdoğan’ın önsözünde Orwell’ı
referans alarak yazdığını dile getirdiği İkibinseksendört Bir Dijital Kara Ütopya
eserindeki distopik izlekler ...karşılaştırmalı yöntem ışığında incelenmiştir.
Çalışmanın genelinde iki eserdeki iktidar yönetimlerin kullandığı sosyal kontrol
yöntemlerine odaklanılarak Orwell’ın 1984’te çizdiği modelin İkibinseksendört Bir
Dijital Kara Ütopya’daki benzerlik, farklılık ve değişimleri karşılaştırılmıştır.
Totaliter devletlerin özelliklerini analiz etmenin yanında, kişilerin kontrol altında
tutulması için kullanılan yöntemler belirlenmiş ve açıklanmıştır. Sistemler, baş
kişilerin mücadelesi karşısında antagonist bir figür olarak konumlandırılmıştır. Kişi
özgürlüğünü sisteme karşı durmakla değil sistemle bir olmak koşuluyla kazanabilir, bu
da kölelik demektir. Eserlerde totalitarizmle birlikte gelişen gözetim mekanizmaları,
bilimin ve teknolojinin kötüye kullanımıyla olumsuz sonuçlanacak gelişmeler
yansıtılmıştır. İki yazarın da bu bağlamda yaşanılacak sorunlar hakkında önemli
veriler sunarak günümüze etki edecek uyarılar yaptığı saptanmıştır.
From Nerrires discovery McCrum has extrapolated the thesis that English as a language is being limited by globalization. ...he refers to Globish as a biography of a phenomenon. At the point the ...United States separates from the United Kingdom, the book expands it scope to account as well for events occurring on the other side of the pond. According to McCrum, He gave respectability to the English vernacular by putting it into print, and xed the language on the printed page before its writers and teachers had fully reconciled the divergences between the written and the spoken.
This thesis is an examination of surveillance in George Orwell's dystopian novel, Nineteen Eighty-Four. In Orwell's novel, the complete, encompassing nature of being watched creates an oppressively ...totalitarian government with very little room to be overthrown. The protagonist, Winston manages to create a space where his rebellion of the mind can prosper. This space is only possible because he is mad—only underscoring the futility of his actions. Because of this madness, defined in this piece of scholarship as his existence in his panoptic government without fear of death, Winston reacts contradictory to the social conditioning pushed upon him by Big Brother. Whether he could succeed in his rebellion is unimportant; the importance lies Winston creating rebellion in a government designed to allow none, and in readers' witnessing how Winston's madness manifests in his ability to see with clarity the power relationships present in the government. In such a position, Winston manages to reclaim power over his body that had been claimed by his government. By using Michel Foucault's theories on Jeremy Bentham's panopticon and madness, I aim to find the government's points of weakness where Winston managed to attack without losing his position of strength.
Although Jean Rhys' works are studied in a number of different fields, the role of consumer capitalism in her novels—specifically imperialist capitalism—has not been thoroughly examined by critics. ...Rhys' 1934 Voyage in the Dark provides particularly fruitful ground for this inquiry because it reveals the imperial exploitation at the heart of British consumer capitalism, which was on the rise at the beginning of the 20th century, and examines the specific role of the white Creole woman in that system. A closer examination of previously unexamined allusions to imperial capitalism in the text will draw attention to the ways Rhys theorizes her protagonist's complicity in the exploitative system that oppresses her, and how her participation in that system is determined by her marginalized racial and class identities. This paper also contends that, despite what critics have claimed, Rhys' protagonist has some agency within these oppressive systems.
Sex, Violence and Concrete Phillips, Lawrence
Critical survey (Oxford, England),
01/2008, Volume:
20, Issue:
1
Journal Article
Peer reviewed
While London was to prove the cauldron in which the future of modern Britain would unfold, the early post-war anxieties about London and the social, political, and cultural future of the country ...initiated a series of near-future dystopian visions of the city. Although this was never an extensive tradition, George Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four (1949), Anthony Burgess’s A Clockwork Orange (1962), and J.G. Ballard’s High Rise (1975) represent three clear waypoints in its development. It has, nonetheless, marked a continuing sense of a loss of national prestige and an acute anxiety over the future of both the city and modern British society. Strikingly, given the known liberal credentials of these authors, such anxieties have provoked in these novels a conservative fear of change, whether represented by a socialist government, a burgeoning youth culture, or technological development.
Hugh Walpole was born in 1884, and arrived on the literary scene at the first attempt with his novel The Wooden Horse (1909), just as literary modernism was making its mark. Loyal to the traditional ...novel of plot and character, he was nevertheless aware that writers of his own generation were breaking new literary ground, and he would express the ambition to create a novel of transition marrying tradition and modern experiment. His commercial success, unabashed occupation of the middlebrow middle-ground, adherence to a tradition of romance writing, and love of the macabre, would put him at odds with highbrow modernism, even as he moved in the same circles and published in the same journals.Eager to be seen as a serious novelist, and recognising the turbulent times he was living through, Walpole embarked upon a sequence of novels charting the first three decades of the twentieth-century, concentrating upon life in the city, in the provinces, and in the countryside. As he wrote, the world was plunged into war, revolution, and economic crisis. Alongside his social novels he produced genre macabres and historical fiction while writing literary criticism in his belles lettres, and charting the culture wars between middlebrow and highbrow.With reference to a variety of creative writers and critics of his own day, including Ford Madox Ford, Joseph Conrad, and John Middleton Murry, and current critics of Gothic Modernism, this study considers two contexts as background to Walpole’s literary career: literary modernism which dominates any study of the period, and the romantic tradition which underpins his own writing. Then, through close reading of the texts, the study examines if Walpole succeeded in documenting his times by creating his literature of transition, and his value as a witness to turbulent times.
This essay argues that a shift occurs in Thomas Pynchon’s oeuvre with the novel Vineland, specifically with respect to power systems and resistance. Previous novels by Pynchon represented power ...structures as abstract, nearly supernatural systems that the characters could hardly conceive of, much less oppose. Vineland, on the other hand, brings power structures down to earth, representing them as a network of national governments, multinational corporations, and supragovernmental agencies. This is very much in line with what Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri define as Empire. In response to these power structures, Pynchon constructs a resistance movement that arises spontaneously, much in the same fashion as what Karl Polanyi describes in The Great Transformation as a double movement or countermovement. Tracing both the power structure as it is presented in the novel and the movement of resistance to it elucidates a political philosophy that Pynchon continues through his four most recent novels. This outline appears in Vineland first by presenting Empire as engaged in a series of civil wars as a means of restricting civil rights, second by examining the multitude’s complicity in perpetuating Empire, third by analyzing the failure of violent revolution, and finally, by providing a positive site for resistance.
Anti-fascist writers in Britain during the Spanish Civil War had to reconcile their representations of this conflict with the collective memory of the Great War.
This article explores George Orwell's ...analysis of this challenge in his memoir of fighting in Spain, Homage to Catalonia (1938), and other essays. Orwell sensed an excess of idealism amongst progressive Britons supportive of the Republic: a failure to acknowledge that this war, no less than its predecessor, involved the degradation, deception and betrayal of common soldiers. His concern lies especially with the way the POUM (Partido obrero de unificacin marxista, Marxist unification workers' party) militia, and the revolutionary ideals for which many volunteers were fighting, were being betrayed by the Soviet Union. To make this point, he invokes in his memoir the conventions of the popular anti-war war books of the Great War. In his allusive memoir, the Aragon front recalls the discomforts of the trenches in France; the Communist leadership and its supporters on the home front resemble the Great War's indifferent, incompetent generals and jingoistic Old Men. Orwell also borrows some significant formal strategies from the war books and from the tradition of literary modernism, especially the device of a limited, prejudiced and confused narrator. The function of this device is twofold: to foreground, by example, cultural differences that may weaken the popular front and also to challenge Communist propaganda about a calculated POUMist plot against the Republic. Lastly, the article discusses the ways Orwell's memoir departs from its inter-texts, especially in largely avoiding the mention of the pity of war. I argue that this is because Orwell does not want to fall prey to the syndrome, increasingly common on the Republican side, of stirring up hatred for fascism through atrocity propaganda. In their appeals to emotion rather than reason, he believes, anti-fascists are coming to resemble their totalitarian enemies.
... we invoke the dignity of man and affirm one's humanity as an inalienable core that cannot be breached. Amidst the enveloping darkness of the public sphere, Arendt holds out the hope of the ..."uncertain, flickering, and often weak light that some men and women, in their lives and their works, will kindle under almost all circumstances and shed over the time span that was given them on earth" (MDT, p. ix).
In the second half of the book, the country is convulsed by anti-Semitic riots and, after the disappearance of President Lindbergh, the acting president arrests not only those figures mentioned above ...but also liberal members of Congress, labor union leaders, and respected Jewish journalists and intellectuals (3 1 6) - thereby linking scapegoating with political opportunism. A form of reality control, it is defined as "die power of holding two contradictory beliefs in one's mind simultaneously, and accepting both of them" (Orwell, 1984 176). Because Roth's Lindbergh has fascistic connections and sympathies, and has made numerous anti-Semitic statements, Rabbi Bengelsdorf's claim - "I want Charles Lindbergh to be my president not in spite of my being a Jew but because I am a Jew" (PL· 36) - is an example of doublethink; so too are claims made by Lindbergh supporters that Lindbergh did not visit Nazi Germany "as a sympathizer or supporter of Hitler's but rather he traveled each and every time as a secret advisor to the U.S. government" (38), and that going to war against Germany because of its treatment of the Jews would only worsen their predicament "immeasurably" (39). ...anti-Jewish administration programs exude a doublethink rationale: the "announced purpose of the OAA (Office of American Absorption) was to implement programs 'encouraging Americas religious and national minorities to become further incorporated into the larger society,'" though, as the young narrator says, "the only minority the OAA appeared to take a serious interest in encouraging" was the Jewish minority (85). ...while die Bush administration repeatedly called for support of the military, it put forth plans to cut a billion dollars from die Veteran's Administration, even after it had cut over 150,000 veterans from existing prescription drug coverage.8 Scapegoats of the administration were like those identified by the governments of die novels: they included anyone who questioned die Iraq War, the Patriot Act and other "anti-terrorist" legislation, as well as liberals in general - including feminists and those who supported gay rights, a woman's right to choose, stem cell research, arguments for global warming, and even, it seems, evolution.9 Saddam Hussein himself might be considered a scapegoat, given the difficulty that die administration had finding Osama bin Laden. In It Can't Happen Here the Corpos replaced the institutions of higher education with regional super-universities which, instead of courses in philosophy, history, or English literature offered a wealth of courses in mining engineering, lakeshore-cottage architecture, modern foremanship and production methods, exhibition gymnastics, the higher accountancy, the therapeutics of athlete's foot, canning and fruit dehydration, kindergarten training, organization of chess, checkers, and bridge tournaments, cultivation of will power, band music for mass meetings, schnauzer-breeding, stainless-steel formula;, cement-road construction, and all other really useful subjects for the formation of the new-world mind and character.
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