Following the September 11, 1973 coup d’État against the Popular Unity Government of Socialist President Allende, hundreds of Chileans and Latin Americans fled the junta’s repression by seeking ...refuge in embassies in Santiago de Chile. On the side of the European ambassadors, in constant interaction with institutional and non-institutional, international and national partners, and in a context of cold war mixing national and international logics, most of them found themselves having to negotiate diplomatic asylum with the junta as well as with their own governments – in a complex process of adapting from day to day.
In 1821, with the Greek uprising, the French consuls stationed in the Ottoman Empire saw an influx of civilians who took refuge in their consulates to escape the violence of a conflict with the hint ...of civil war. Without instructions, they took the initiative to welcome at least 6,000 Greeks and several hundred Turks, which upset the population and local authorities. Consuls must then explain their actions to avoid a violation of their consulate. They must also justify their decision to their superiors. After a long delay, the Ministry resumed their humanitarian speeches and ratified the right of consular asylum.
Private diplomacy and secret agreements among adversaries are major features of international relations. Sometimes secret reassurance has resulted in cooperation and even peace between longtime ...adversaries. Yet rationalist theories consider private diplomatic communication as cheap talk. How do we explain this gap between theoretical expectations and the empirical record? I offer a theory that explains how, why, and when a leader may convince an enemy that his private reassurances are credible even when they are not costly to undertake. I also account for the conditions under which recipients of such reassurance infer the leader's benign intentions from these secret interactions. I claim that leaders engage in secret reassurance with the enemy when they face significant domestic opposition. The adversary can leverage the initiator's domestic vulnerability by revealing the secret reassurance, thereby imposing domestic punishment on the initiator. Further, by entering into private or secret negotiations and offering their adversary such leverage, initiators generate "autonomous risk" that exists beyond their control. I evaluate this theory against two empirical cases. The first case looks at Richard Nixon's secret assurances to the Chinese leadership in 1972. The second examines the secret negotiations between Israeli officials and the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization that ended with the signing of the Oslo I Accord in 1993.
In 1974, Australia took the initiative to have an item on diplomatic asylum inscribed on the UN General Assembly's agenda for that year. Its original ambition was to procure an international treaty ...on the subject. This article traces the history of that initiative from its inception to the acknowledgement seven years later that it had come to nothing. It also investigates the impact that Australia's initiative at the UN had on its foreign policy practice in relation to diplomatic asylum through two administrations: the Whitlam government (5 December 1972-11 November 1975) and the Fraser government (11 November 1975-11 March 1983). It demonstrates that, while the initiative generated a great deal of bureaucratic work, it wrought no real change in Australia's practice on the ground.
Between 1934 and 1954 a group of Latin American presidents governed under a series of reformist precepts that are associated with a kind of nationalism and sovereignty with respect to dependence on ...the United States. These governments did not achieve American government approval within the framework of the Cold War in Latin America, in a time span that spanned from 1945 to 1954. Their defeat caused the asylum and exile of these former Latin American presidents. Most turned to Mexico. The work of these rulers marked the development of their countries at key moments in their history. That is why it can be considered that it is a generation that ruled under the rise of Nazi fascism in Europe, World War II and the first measures of the Cold War, before which they succumbed.
Asilos en dictaduras: chilenos en la embajada argentina Lastra, Soledad; Peñaloza Palma, Carla
Perfiles latinoamericanos : revista de la Sede Académica de México de la Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales,
07/2016, Volume:
24, Issue:
48
Journal Article
Peer reviewed
Open access
En la historiografía de los exilios políticos masivos del Cono Sur, los asilos diplomáticos constituyen un área de vacancia. Este artículo recorre las experiencias de chilenos y chilenas asilados en ...la embajada argentina en Santiago de Chile a partir del golpe militar del 11 de septiembrede 1973 y hasta 1974. Se explora cómo se realizaron los ingresos a la embajada argentina, las relaciones de los diplomáticos con los asilados y con el contexto general, las rutinas y aspectos cotidianos de la vida en la embajada y la salida hacia Argentina una vez obtenidos los salvoconductos. Se presta especial atención a los modos en que las dinámicas políticas de Chile y Argentina atravesaron a estas experiencias. El artículo se posiciona en el nudo álgido de dos historias nacionales y de la experiencia del asilo diplomático en sus múltiples matices y complejidades.
Thinking about the diplomatic and external activities of sub-state entities often causes some sort of semantic confusion. This article proposes an archaeological critique of paradiplomacy in order to ...uncover both the phenomenon of the diplomatic practices of sub-national entities and the way these practices are theorized and conceptualized. The site of our archaeological project are the shores of the Mediterranean Sea. From the first written evidence of the practice of diplomacy up to the present, people in the Mediterranean have always sought to describe, contest, or transcend the limits of diplomacy. Different archaeological layers will guide us, showing the different faces paradiplomacy can take: false or contesting diplomacies, universal and even transcendent diplomacy, hybrid embassies as well as diaspora, pirate and city diplomacies. We also ask ourselves if an archaeology of paradiplomacy is merely a history of the past or on the contrary a history of the present, which in itself points out possibilities for the future. One such possible future may lie in a diplomacy stressing the commonalities between different social groupings instead of demarcating and excluding practices.
A Revolta da Armada terminou em 13 março de 1894 com o asilo diplomático de mais de quinhentos combatentes brasileiros em duas corvetas de guerra de Portugal. Este episódio originou uma disputa entre ...Brasil e Portugal baseada em diferentes interpretações do direito internacional da época. Em meio as negociações, as duas embarcações saíram do Rio de Janeiro e rumaram para Buenos Aires onde um novo barco seria fretado para transportá-los até território português. Ao chegar à Buenos Aires, os comandantes, cumprindo ordens, negaram-se a permitir o desembarque dos asilados para realizar a quarentena junto ao Lazareto de Martín Garcia. A insatisfação com a superlotação, somado com o receio de uma epidemia de alguma doença, proporcionou fugas de asilados e um conflito diplomático entre Portugal e a Argentina. Em seguida, as corvetas portuguesas rumaram para Montevideo, onde houve um processo semelhante e uma fuga em massa dos asilados nesta cidade. A situação desagradou o governo brasileiro que resolveu romper as relações diplomáticas com Portugal. Todo esse processo foi permeado por uma intensa troca de telegramas entre os representantes dos Estados e seus respectivos diplomatas.
Recent events show that extradition, political offense and the so called diplomatic or extraterritorial asylum present a series of challenges to the theories of International Law, and that the ...related questions take us to the junction of internal legislation, international treaties and political considerations that collide with the established legal norms. Therefore the article begins with the history of extradition and its evolution, basically through treaties as a mean of state intercourse. Afterwards the political offense exceptionis treated together with the judicial arquitecture built around the concept and its limitations. The consequences of this exception are analyzed, and also the alternatives to extradition, basically the two most important that are the abduction and the so calledextraordinary rendition. Finally the political or extraterritorial asylum is studied, and its consequences as a humanitarian exception against the host State sovereignty, within the framework of diplomatic immunities.
Resumen. Acontecimientos recientes nos demuestran que la extradición, la noción de delito político y el llamado asilo diplomático o extraterritorial presentan una serie de desafíos a las teorías del derecho internacional público, y que las cuestiones relativas a ellas llevan a la intersección de la legislación penal interna, los tratados internacionales sobre la materia y, sobre todo, consideraciones de carácter político que entran en conflicto permanentemente con los postulados legales. En consecuencia, se analiza en primer lugar la historia de la extradición y su evolución, así como los tratados referentes a ella como medio de comunicación entre Estados.Tras el análisis se procede a estudiar la llamada excepción del delito político; se hace un análisis de algunas construcciones jurispruden ciales sobre el concepto y su alcance. También se analizan sus implicaciones frente a la estructura de los tratados, así como lasalternativas a la extradición, básicamente la abducción y la llamada rendición extraordinaria. Finalmente se analiza el llamado asilo político o extraterritorial, sus implicaciones como excepción humanitaria y el conflicto entre las inmunidades diplomáticas y el otorgamiento del asilo, en el marco de la colisión entre este y la soberanía estatal.
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