This book outlines for the first time in a single volume the theoretical and methodological tools for a study of human remains resulting from episodes of mass violence and genocide. Despite the ...highly innovative and contemporary research into both mass violence and the body, the most significant consequence of conflict - the corpse - remains absent from the scope of existing research. Why have human remains hitherto remained absent from our investigation, and how do historians, anthropologists and legal scholars, including specialists in criminology and political science, confront these difficult issues? By drawing on international case studies including genocides in Rwanda, the Khmer Rouge, Argentina, Russia and the context of post-World War II Europe, this ground-breaking edited collection opens new avenues of research. Multidisciplinary in scope, this volume will appeal to readers interested in an understanding of mass violence's aftermath.
L’analyse des relations entre le gouvernement intérimaire rwandais et la communauté internationale durant le génocide de 1994 met en évidence la primauté du facteur politique voire géopolitique sur ...la prise en compte de considérations strictement juridiques et humanitaires de la part de l’ONU et des États tiers les plus impliqués dans cette crise (Belgique, France, États-Unis). La marginalisation progressive du gouvernement intérimaire sur la scène internationale, au moment où il sollicite une aide extérieure pour mettre fin aux massacres, ne s’est pas accompagnée d’un renforcement des effectifs et du mandat de la Mission des Nations Unies pour l’Assistance au Rwanda (MINUAR), qui constituait pourtant la principale demande des autorités rwandaises au Conseil de sécurité. Ce désengagement de la communauté internationale s’est effectué au détriment de la sécurité et de la protection des populations civiles menacées. Dans le même temps, la criminalisation de ce gouvernement a contribué à faire entériner l’acceptation d’une issue militaire au conflit souhaitée par la rébellion du Front Patriotique Rwandais (FPR), au mépris des accords de paix et de partage du pouvoir d’Arusha signés en 1993. La présomption de culpabilité à l’égard du camp gouvernemental a par la suite fortement impacté la justice internationale, le Tribunal Pénal International pour le Rwanda (TPIR) ayant échoué dans sa mission consistant à juger tous les auteurs de crimes commis en 1994 et à favoriser la réconciliation nationale, du fait de son manque d’impartialité et d’indépendance tant au niveau des poursuites et de l’instruction que du rendu de ses jugements et de leur pleine application.
An analysis of relations between the interim government of Rwanda and the international community during the genocide of 1994 demonstrates how political, even geopolitical, factors were given priority over strictly judicial and humanitarian considerations by the UN and the third-party states most implicated in this crisis (Belgium, France, the USA). The progressive marginalisation of the interim government on the international scene, at the time when it was soliciting external help to put a stop to the massacres, did not see a reinforcement of staff or of the mandate of the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR), which nonetheless constituted the principal demand of the Rwandan authorities to the Security Council.This disengagement on the part of the international community happened to the detriment of the security and protection of the civil population under threat. At the same time the criminalisation of this government contributed to the endorsement of a military outcome to the conflict ; the outcome desired by the rebellion of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), contravening the Arusha Accords signed in 1993. The presumption of guilt attached to the government camp subsequently had a strong impact on international justice, as the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) had failed in its mission of judging all the perpetrators of crimes committed in 1994, and of favorising national reconciliation, due to its lack of impartiality and independence as much at the level of investigation and prosecution as at the level of the delivery of the judgments and their enactment.
To stand up against Nazi ideas of biologized “ethnicity” and antisemitism required a heroic disposition in individuals who did not allow themselves to have their basic humanity destroyed by such ...ideologies, even as the latter were backed by formidable political and religious power and sweepingly popular beliefs. The men and women presented in the first part of the book have already been recognised as Righteous Among Nations for their brave humanitarian acts during WWII, a title bestowed by the Yad Vashem World Center for Holocaust Research, Education, Documentation and Commemoration. Part Two brings the stories about people who were also saving Jews that were not recognised as Righteous yet, but some among them are candidates.
To stand up against Nazi ideas of biologized “ethnicity” and antisemitism required a heroic disposition in individuals who did not allow themselves to have their basic humanity destroyed by such ...ideologies, even as the latter were backed by formidable political and religious power and sweepingly popular beliefs. The men and women presented in the first part of the book have already been recognised as Righteous Among Nations for their brave humanitarian acts during WWII, a title bestowed by the Yad Vashem World Center for Holocaust Research, Education, Documentation and Commemoration. Part Two brings the stories about people who were also saving Jews that were not recognised as Righteous yet, but some among them are candidates.
Dežela senc Luthar, Oto; Pogačar, Martin
2015
eBook
Open access
The Land of Shadows was first conceived as a complementary resource for History classes in Slovenian high schools. It served to complement to the patchy Holocaust teaching resources. It consists of ...two parts: the first part features a historical overview of anti-Semitism and eventually the Holocaust in Europe, which is followed by an account of the situation in Slovenia. The authors relied on the life-story of Mrs Erika Fürst, one of the Holocaust survivors from Prekmurje, Slovenia. In creating a compelling and touching narrative, the authors used visual material from the archives and from various publications depicting the period and the problematic, notably excerpts from two graphic novels: Art Speigelman’s Maus, Jason Lutes’ Berlin.
De facto premijerka Mijanmara, ujedno i dobitnica Nobelove nagrade za mir, Aung San Suu Kyi, trenutno se pred Međunarodnim sudom suočava s optužbama o počinjenju genocida od strane njezine države nad ...manjinskom muslimanskom skupinom Rohingya iz zapadnog Mijanmara. Genocid se često doživljava kao najteži zločin međunarodne jurisdikcije, ali ono što ga obilježava u znanstvenom smislu jest teškoća dokazivanja elemenata ovog kompleksnog kaznenog djela. Genocidnoj namjeri, koja se sastoji od dva stupnjevita elementa znanja i htijenja bića kaznenog djela, često se suprotstavlja pojam „etničkog čišćenja“, uz polemike o važnosti broja žrtava i počinjenih genocidnih radnji da bi se određeno djelo moglo kvalificirati kao genocid prema konvenciji iz 1948. godine. Osim toga, genocid je ciljno kazneno djelo, što znači da ono ne mora biti materijalno dovršeno da bi došlo do njegova počinjenja, pa tako i osude. Štoviše, danas postoje modeli stadija genocida koji se koriste kako bi se pravovremeno ukazalo na to da je u tijeku priprema njegova počinjenja. Koristeći takav model profesora Stantona, moguće je usporediti stadije genocida u Srebrenici i genocida koji se potencijalno trenutno zbiva u Mijanmaru. Sličnosti su zastrašujuće, što bi trebalo potaknuti međunarodne institucije na djelovanje. Konačno, u slučaju njihova zakazivanja važnost bi se trebala dati mehanizmima tranzicijske pravde, na lokalnim razinama, kako bi što učinkovitije bio proveden postupak progona i osude počinitelja, kao i pomoći svim žrtvama.
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