Abstractc At the end of the colonial period, the Spanish-Creole authorities of the jurisdiction of Valdivia managed to build a series of settlements in the "Llanos" of Bueno valley and Osorno such as ...missions, haciendas, and forts. ...they managed to re-found the city of Osorno and restore the royal road in its Valdivia-Chiloé section. The conclusions point to the fact that the colonial authorities failed to dominate the Huilliche politically or socially and that in order to found establishments in their territory they always required the authorization of caciques and ulmenes, whom they had to distinguish and entertain, which implied both a recognition of their political power, as an economic cost for the royal treasury. En este sentido, se impulsó una política de reconstrucción del poder de la monarquía española, caracterizada por sus objetivos fiscalizadores y centralizadores a nivel político, económico y social, que tuvo como correlato una ofensiva de recuperación del control estatal sobre las posesiones coloniales, con el objeto de hacerlas más rentables para la metrópoli y fortalecer el sistema defensivo imperial (León 1982; Brading 2015).
Amid globalization and digitalization, market access is relatively more difficult due to various obstacles caused by political and social forces. Large enterprises with limited control over ...regulation-making with values not in sync with the society experience difficulty accessing markets. Megamarketing represents an effort by business enterprises to counter closed market access by way of managing two “mega” forces: political and social power. The practice of megamarketing has considerably evolved with the changing times -- considering the increasingly significant role of society, preventive interventions, and political forces. Business enterprises can apply megamarketing by (1) better understanding the political and social landscape, (2) integrating relevant organizational functions, and (3) addressing the issues that restrict market access.
Este artículo aborda, por medio de un análisis historiográfico de fuentes de prensa, documentos oficiales, tanto privados como públicos, y literatura especializada, el proceso de pérdida de la ...propiedad salitrera de Tarapacá de manos de sus descubridores e impulsores originales, para ser transferidas a las empresas habilitadoras que, generalmente, procedían de países centrales europeos en la segunda mitad del siglo XIX. En definitiva, hacia 1878, prácticamente la mayoría de las familias originarias de Tarapacá, propietarias de oficinas salitreras, las habían vendido, donde se constata no solo la pérdida del poder económico y político de los empresarios salitreros locales respecto de compañías foráneas habilitadoras, sino la consolidación del capitalismo internacional en una región periférica. Este fenómeno se analiza como un proceso de invasión-sucesión.
During the government of the National Democratic Front, the sector linked to the foreign market sought the possibility of safeguarding its group interests, through a renewed political positioning, ...due to the emergence and relative APRA political power that was discordant to its economic interests. ...representatives of the oligarchy implemented mechanisms of persuasion and delegitimization of their political opponents through the newspaper "La Prensa." The newspaper took as a journalistic event the aprista uprising unleashed on October 3rd, 1948, to disqualify the aprista actions and glorify the military work that would later overthrow President Bustamante y Rivero. Es por tal motivo que, desde una línea paralela, el enfoque histórico del discurso, nos permite articular los conocimientos "sobre las fuentes históricas con el trasfondo de los ámbitos social y político en los que se insertan los acontecimientos discursivos" (Wodak 2003:103) El discurso como parte de la interacción social -específicamente los emitidos por el diario-, permite identificar la relación constante entre el micro nivel y el macro (Van Dijk 2009), encontrándose en el primero el discurso de los redactores del diario, pero en un nivel macro son representaciones compartidas por un grupo social vinculados al sector de la oligarquía.
This article examines the evolution of China's Taiwan policy under Xi Jinping. It argues that there have been four key shifts since 2013. First, China expanded the definition of Taiwan independence ...and defined what Beijing viewed as the status quo in the Taiwan Strait. This provided the basis for Beijing to respond to more perceived Taiwan and U.S. "transgressions" and China views both Taipei and Washington as "revisionist" and changing the status quo. Second, Xi established a bidirectional linkage between national rejuvenation and unification with Taiwan and Beijing aims to achieve both goals simultaneously. This means that China will seek progress on unification and has established a soft benchmark to accomplish it by 2049. Third, Xi has pushed to develop a more specific "two systems" solution for Taiwan that will allow Beijing to impose its control over the island and ensure that unification with Taiwan avoids the pains Beijing experienced in Hong Kong. It is unlikely that Taiwan can maintain its democracy post-unification and Beijing will ensure that Chinese "patriots" rule the island. Finally, China has escalated and increased coercion across-the-board against Taiwan, leveraging its growing political, economic, and military power to attempt to shape cross-Strait dynamics in its favor. These changes in PRC policy have not produced the desired results and Taipei has push backed against Chinese activities and rejected China's 'solutions' for Taiwan. Although Beijing has not given up hopes of peaceful unification and would prefer to never have to invade the island, Beijing is likely to continue its bolder, less flexible, more unilateral, and more coercive approach towards Taiwan. Moving forward, the risk of tensions and instabilities in the Taiwan Strait will likely increase.
Evidence plays a growing role in public administration worldwide. We analyze the perceptions of policy actors, using Q methodology and a structured questionnaire, which reveals four types of ...profiles. Most policy actors did not fit neatly into an Evidence‐Based Policy‐Making (EBPM) group. Instead, they either had a pragmatic view where context and policy issues influence what counts as evidence, an inclusive position which emphasized the importance of considering a range of different types of evidence, or a political perspective where power relations and politics influence what counts as evidence. Our research also illustrates how different actors in the same community can have different perceptions of evidence, and how this can change over time due to experience and career trajectory.
PDF
