The elemental power of food politics has not been fully appraised. Food marketing and consumption were matters of politics as much as economics as England became a market society. In times of dearth, ...concatenations of food riots, repression, and relief created a maturing politics of provisions. Over three centuries, some eight hundred riots crackled in waves across England. Crowds seized wagons, attacked mills and granaries, and lowered prices in marketplaces or farmyards. Sometimes rioters parleyed with magistrates. More often both acted out a well-rehearsed political minuet that evolved from Tudor risings and state policies down to a complex culmination during the Napoleonic Wars.
'Provision politics' thus comprised both customary negotiations over scarcity and hunger, and 'negotiations' of the social vessel through the turbulence of dearth. Occasionally troops killed rioters, or judges condemned them to the gallows, but increasingly riots prompted wealthy citizens to procure relief supplies. In short, food riots worked: in a sense they were a first draft of the welfare state.
This pioneering analysis connects a generation of social protest studies spawned by E.P. Thompson's essay on the 'moral economy' with new work on economic history and state formation. The dynamics of provision politics that emerged during England's social, economic and political transformations should furnish fruitful models for analyses of 'total war' and famine as well as broader transitions elsewhere in world history.
This book is an eye-opening account of transnational advocacy, not by environmental and rights groups, but by conservative activists. Mobilizing around diverse issues, these networks challenge ...progressive foes across borders and within institutions. In these globalized battles, opponents struggle as much to advance their own causes as to destroy their rivals. Deploying exclusionary strategies, negative tactics and dissuasive ideas, they aim both to make and unmake policy. In this work, Clifford Bob chronicles combat over homosexuality and gun control in the UN, the Americas, Europe and elsewhere. He investigates the 'Baptist-burqa' network of conservative believers attacking gay rights, and the global gun coalition blasting efforts to control firearms. Bob draws critical conclusions about norms, activists and institutions, and his broad findings extend beyond the culture wars. They will change how campaigners fight, scholars study policy wars, and all of us think about global politics.
Public opinion in the United States contains a paradox. The American public is symbolically conservative: it cherishes the symbols of conservatism and is more likely to identify as conservative than ...as liberal. Yet at the same time, it is operationally liberal, wanting government to do and spend more to solve a variety of social problems. This book focuses on understanding this contradiction. It argues that both facets of public opinion are real and lasting, not artifacts of the survey context or isolated to particular points in time. By exploring the ideological attitudes of the American public as a whole, and the seemingly conflicted choices of individual citizens, it explains the foundations of this paradox. The keys to understanding this large-scale contradiction, and to thinking about its consequences, are found in Americans' attitudes with respect to religion and culture and in the frames in which elite actors describe policy issues.
Peri-urban areas have been commonly defined as transitional zones located in the outskirts of a designated city boundary, where rural and urban characteristics meet each other. Generally, peri-urban ...area moves away from the metropolitan core following the establishment of urban settlement. Peri-urban transformation in Jakarta Metropolitan Area (JMA) has largely taken the form of large scale land development mushrooming since the early 1990s. The transformation can be seen from the increase of the proportion of migrants, the change in the job's structure, the increasing number of secondary and tertiary sectors jobs, and the increasing of household's income. It is argued that peri-urbanisation has been characterised by the transformation of the socio-economic structure from predominantly rural to more urban activities, and simultaneously creating both jobs and spatial segregation. Large-scale land developments in the peri-urban areas of JMA have characteristically been developed for the benefit for the rich. The unequal development in peri-urban areas has the potential to create social conflicts between communities. The spatial segregation in JMA could be classified as belonging to ‘self-segregation’ or ‘voluntary spatial segregation’.
•Demonstrates that the peri-urban areas of JMA are moving outwards.•Demonstrates the socio-economic structure transformation in of JMA.•Large-scale land development in JMA creating suburbanisation and peri-urbanisation and unequal distribution of development.•The unequal development in peri-urban areas has the potential to create social conflicts between communities.•Large-scale land developments in peri-urban areas of JMA benefits the rich, creates gaps between the poor and the rich.
Previous studies of newcomer socialization have underlined the importance of newcomers' information seeking for their adjustment to the organization, and the conflict literature has consistently ...reported negative effects of relationship conflict with coworkers. However, to date, no study has examined the consequences of relationship conflict on newcomers' information seeking. In this study, we examined newcomers' reactions when they have relationship conflict with their coworkers, and hence cannot obtain necessary information from them. Drawing upon belongingness theory, we propose a model that moves from breach of belongingness to its proximal and distal consequences, to newcomer information seeking, and then to task-related outcomes. In particular, we propose that second paths exist-first coworker-centric and the other supervisor-centric-that may have simultaneous yet contrasting influence on newcomer adjustment. To test our model, we employ a 3-wave data collection research design with egocentric and Likert-type multisource surveys among a sample of new software engineers and their supervisors working in India. This study contributes to the field by linking the literatures on relationship conflict and newcomer information seeking and suggesting that despite conflict with coworkers, newcomers may succeed in organizations by building relationships with and obtaining information from supervisors.
•Examines antecedents of workplace ostracism.•Goal interdependence types and social skill interact to influence whether an individual is ostracized.•Relationship conflict mediates the interactive ...effects of social skill with cooperative and competitive goal interdependence.
Although ostracism can have devastating consequences for employees and organizations, our understanding of what contributes to ostracism is notably limited. Drawing on and extending goal interdependence theory, we integrate the goal interdependence and social skill literatures to predict when individuals are likely to be ostracized. Across two studies we found that cooperative goal interdependence reduced, while competitive goal interdependence facilitated, being ostracized; social skill strengthened the negative impact of cooperative goal interdependence on ostracism and neutralized the positive impact of competitive goal interdependence on ostracism. In a third longitudinal study, we found that relationship conflict mediated the interactive effect of goal interdependence and social skill on being ostracized. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.
Handling social conflicts can involve elements of the community, one of which is the involvement of community leaders as part of peacemakers and their position is recognized in the law on handling ...social conflicts. However, the definition of community leaders is still not clear. This article aims to analyze the meaning of community leaders in the law for handling social conflicts in terms of the principle of legal certainty. This article is based on normative juridical research with a literature research scheme. The result shows that the formulation of the concept of understanding community leaders has not fulfilled the element of legal certainty. A clear definition of community leaders will help determine the extent to which the limits of their authority are protected by law. This study also offers additional materials for those who have the authority to be able to make efforts to improve.
What kind of war is Mexico's drug war? The prominent "criminal insurgency" approach helpfully focuses attention on cartel–state conflict, but unnecessarily redefines insurgency as "state-weakening," ...eliding critical differences in rebels' and cartels' aims. Whereas rebels fight states, and cartels fight with one another, to conquer mutually prized territory and resources, cartels fight states "merely" to constrain their behavior and influence policy outcomes. This distinction yields a typology with theoretical consequences: decisive victory plays an important role in most models of civil war but is impossible or undesirable in wars of constraint. Theories of criminal war must therefore explain how ongoing coercive violence can be preferable to pacific strategies. I distinguish two such coercive logics of cartel–state conflict: violent lobbying and violent corruption. Lobbyings' more universalistic benefits elicit free riding, so turf war among cartels should make it rarer than violent corruption. This prediction accords with qualitative and quantitative evidence from Mexico, Colombia, and Brazil.
Conditional cash transfer (CCT) programs are an increasingly popular tool for reducing poverty in conflict-affected areas. Despite their growing popularity, there is limited evidence on how CCT ...programs affect conflict and theoretical predictions are ambiguous. We estimate the effect of conditional cash transfers on civil conflict in the Philippines by exploiting an experiment that randomly assigned eligibility for a CCT program at the village level. We find that cash transfers caused a substantial decrease in conflict-related incidents in treatment villages relative to control villages in the first 9months of the program. Using unique data on local insurgent influence, we also find that the program reduced insurgent influence in treated villages. An analysis of possible spillovers yields inconclusive results. While we find no statistical evidence of spillovers, we also cannot rule out that the village-level effect was due to displacement of insurgent activity from treatment to control villages.
•We estimate the effect of conditional cash transfers on conflict in the Philippines.•We exploit an experiment that randomly assigned a CCT program at the village level.•The program decreased conflict and insurgent influence at the village level.•The effect may have been due to displacement of conflict to untreated villages.
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