Men’s violence against women (VAW) is multifaceted and complex. Besides physical, psychological, and sexual violence, women subjected to VAW often suffer from economic hardship and financial abuse. ...Financial abuse involves different tactics used to exercise power and gain control over partners. Experiences of financial abuse make it difficult for women to leave an abusive partner and become self-sufficient. From an intersectional perspective, applying the concept of the continuum of violence, the aim of this article is to develop a more comprehensive understanding of how women subjected to men’s violence in intimate relationships experience the complexity of financial abuse in their lives, in the context of VAW. Based on 19 in-depth interviews with women surviving domestic violence, the study describes how intertwined women’s experiences of financial abuse are with other forms of abuse, influencing each other, simultaneously experienced as a distinct form of abuse with severe and longstanding consequences. Women in the study describe how men’s abuse affects them financially, causing poverty and affecting their ability to have a reasonable economic standard. Financial abuse also causes women ill health, and damages their self-esteem and ability to work, associate, and engage in social life. The interviewed women describe how experiences of financial abuse continue across time, from their past into their present situation and molding beliefs about the future. According to the interviews, financial abuse in private life sometimes continues into the public sphere, reproduced by social workers mimicking patterns of ex-partners’ abuse. Bringing out a more comprehensive understanding of the dynamic continuum of financial abuse, our results deepen knowledge about the complexity of VAW in women’s lives, and thereby are important in processes of making victims of violence survivors of violence.
Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a widespread problem affecting all cultures and socioeconomic groups. This study explored the trends in prevalence and risk factors associated with IPV among ...Zimbabwean women of reproductive age (15-49 years) from 2005 to 2015.
Data from the 2005/2006, 2010/2011 and 2015 Zimbabwe Demographic and Health Survey (ZDHS) on 13,409 women (survey year: 2005/2006; n = 4081), (survey year: 2010/2011; n = 4411) and (survey year: 2015; n = 4917) were analyzed. Multiple logistic regressions and hierarchical modelling techniques were applied to examine the associations between demographic characteristics, socioeconomic status, media exposure and IPV against women. We further estimated IPV prevalence by type (physical, sexual and emotional) over time.
The prevalence of IPV decreased from 45.2% in 2005 to 40.9% in 2010, and then increased to 43.1% in 2015. Some of the risk factors associated with IPV were younger age, low economic status, cohabitation and rural residence. Educational attainment of women was however not significantly associated with IPV.
The findings indicate that women of reproductive age are at high and increasing risk of physical and emotional violence. There is thus an urgent need for an integrated policy approach to address the rise of IPV related physical and emotional violence against women in Zimbabwe.
Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) is a global pandemic and many have been victims of it long before Covid-19. International organizations have documented an increase in IPV reports during the current ...pandemic, raising awareness of the potential causes for such an increase. Reflecting on risk factors associated with IPV, and the underlying need of the perpetrators to exert control over the victims, it becomes increasingly important to understand how the current policies of social distancing, self-isolation, and lockdown can precipitate episodes of IPV. Furthermore, access to specialized services and health care can be compromised, and health care professionals face new challenges and demands imposed by the pandemic while managing IPV cases. This article begins by examining the main risk factors more commonly associated with IPV in the literature. It proceeds by reflecting on how these risk factors may be exacerbated during the Covid-19 pandemic, which can explain the increased number of reports. Finally, it emphasizes the new challenges faced by health care professionals, while assisting IPV victims during the pandemic and provides possible recommendations on actions to implement during and beyond the Covid-19 pandemic to prevent such cases.
•Intimate Partner Violence cases increase during emergencies.•An increase in IPV cases has been reported during the Covid-19 pandemic.•IPV has been related to numerous risk factors.•Risk factors for IPV can be exacerbated during the Covid-19 pandemic.•Health care professionals face new challenges managing IPV cases during the Covid-19 pandemic.
Studies about violence against women specific to the Chilean population are scarce. As a result, government treatment programs lack a local perspective. Predictor variables were analyzed in the ...mental health of Chilean women who have survived intimate partner abuse. Two hundred and two women who made regular visits to public Women’s Centers participated in the study; on average, they had survived 11 years of abuse. Logistic regression analyses were conducted to determine what variable/s in the history of violence best predicted the mental health variables. Among other protective factors, an increase in both resilience and the time since the last violent episode yielded a reduction in levels of general psychological distress (B = –1.836, p < .001 and B = 1.117, p < .001 respectively), post-traumatic stress disorder (B = –1.243, p = .002 and B = 1.221, p < .001 respectively), and depression (B = –1.822, p < .001 and B = 1.433, p < .001 respectively). The study also noted risk factors such as a high level of additional stressors, which in turn led to increased levels of general psychological distress (B = 1.007, p = .005), post-traumatic stress disorder (B = 0.928, p = .013), and depression (B = 1.061, p = .016). The Women’s Center is the place where women feel most supported. To improve the effectiveness of treatments at these centers and aid in the recovery of women who have suffered from intimate partner violence, the predictive factors significantly related to mental health should be taken into account. This means prioritizing cases where the last episode of violence was more recent, addressing additional stressors, and promoting resilience.
Background
Intimate partner abuse (including coercive control, physical, sexual, economic, emotional and economic abuse) is common worldwide. Advocacy may help women who are in, or have left, an ...abusive intimate relationship, to stop or reduce repeat victimisation and overcome consequences of the abuse. Advocacy primarily involves education, safety planning support and increasing access to different services. It may be stand‐alone or part of other services and interventions, and may be provided within healthcare, criminal justice, social, government or specialist domestic violence services. We focus on the abuse of women, as interventions for abused men require different considerations.
Objectives
To assess advocacy interventions for intimate partner abuse in women, in terms of which interventions work for whom, why and in what circumstances.
Search methods
In January 2019 we searched CENTRAL, MEDLINE, 12 other databases, two trials registers and two relevant websites. The search had three phases: scoping of articles to identify candidate theories; iterative recursive search for studies to explore and fill gaps in these theories; and systematic search for studies to test, confirm or refute our explanatory theory.
Selection criteria
Empirical studies of any advocacy or multi‐component intervention including advocacy, intended for women aged 15 years and over who were experiencing or had experienced any form of intimate partner abuse, or of advocates delivering such interventions, or experiences of women who were receiving or had received such an intervention. Partner abuse encompasses coercive control in the absence of physical abuse. For theory development, we included studies that did not strictly fit our original criteria but provided information useful for theory development.
Data collection and analysis
Four review authors independently extracted data, with double assessment of 10% of the data, and assessed risk of bias and quality of the evidence. We adopted RAMESES (Realist and meta‐narrative evidence syntheses: evolving standards) standards for reporting results. We applied a realist approach to the analysis.
Main results
We included 98 studies (147 articles). There were 88 core studies: 37 focused on advocates (4 survey‐based, 3 instrument development, 30 qualitative focus) and seven on abused women (6 qualitative studies, 1 survey); 44 were experimental intervention studies (some including qualitative evaluations). Ten further studies (3 randomised controlled trials (RCTs), 1 intervention process evaluation, 1 qualitative study, 2 mixed methods studies, 2 surveys of women, and 1 mixed methods study of women and staff) did not fit the original criteria but added useful information, as befitting a realist approach. Two studies are awaiting classification and three are ongoing.
Advocacy interventions varied considerably in contact hours, profession delivering and setting.
We constructed a conceptual model from six essential principles based on context‐mechanism‐outcome (CMO) patterns.
We have moderate and high confidence in evidence for the importance of considering both women's vulnerabilities and intersectionalities and the trade‐offs of abuse‐related decisions in the contexts of individual women's lives. Decisions should consider the risks to the woman's safety from the abuse. Whether actions resulting from advocacy increase or decrease abuse depends on contextual factors (e.g. severity and type of abuse), and the outcomes the particular advocacy intervention is designed to address (e.g. increasing successful court orders versus decreasing depression).
We have low confidence in evidence regarding the significance of physical dependencies, being pregnant or having children. There were links between setting (high confidence), and potentially also theoretical underpinnings of interventions, type, duration and intensity of advocacy, advocate discipline and outcomes (moderate and low confidence). A good therapeutic alliance was important (high confidence); this alliance might be improved when advocates are matched with abused women on ethnicity or abuse experience, exercise cultural humility, and remove structural barriers to resource access by marginalised women. We identified significant challenges for advocates in inter‐organisational working, vicarious traumatisation, and lack of clarity on how much support to give a woman (moderate and high confidence). To work effectively, advocates need ongoing training, role clarity, access to resources, and peer and institutional support.
Our provisional model highlights the complex way that factors combine and interact for effective advocacy. We confirmed the core ingredients of advocacy according to both women and advocates, supported by studies and theoretical considerations: education and information on abuse; rights and resources; active referral and liaising with other services; risk assessment and safety planning. We were unable to confirm the impact of complexity of the intervention (low confidence). Our low confidence in the evidence was driven mostly by a lack of relevant studies, rather than poor‐quality studies, despite the size of the review.
Authors' conclusions
Results confirm the core ingredients of advocacy and suggest its use rests on sound theoretical underpinnings. We determined the elements of a good therapeutic alliance and how it might be improved, with a need for particular considerations of the factors affecting marginalised women. Women's goals from advocacy should be considered in the contexts of their personal lives. Women's safety was not necessarily at greatest risk from staying with the abuser. Potentially, if undertaken for long enough, advocacy should benefit an abused woman in terms of at least one outcome providing the goals are matched to each woman's needs. Some outcomes may take months to be determined. Where abuse is severe, some interventions may increase abuse. Advocates have a challenging role and must be supported emotionally, through provision of resources and through professional training, by organisations and peers.
Future research should consider the different principles identified in this review, and study outcomes should be considered in relation to the mechanisms and contexts elucidated. More longitudinal evidence is needed. Single‐subject research designs may help determine exactly when effect no longer increases, to determine the duration of longitudinal work, which will likely differ for vulnerable and marginalised women. Further work is needed to ascertain how to tailor advocacy interventions to cultural variations and rural and resource‐poor settings. The methods used in the included studies may, in some cases, limit the applicability and completeness of the data reported. Economic analyses are required to ascertain if resources devoted to advocacy interventions are cost‐effective in healthcare and community settings.
Within a lifetime, one in four women and more than one in 10 men will experience intimate partner violence (IPV). Researchers have begun to examine physical and social neighborhood risk factors of ...IPV, often using cross-sectional data. Most studies focus on risk or promotive factors. Often, neighborhood factors are studied through the lens of social disorganization theory, which focuses on how a neighborhood slips into a violent and crime-ridden place. Busy streets theory provides an alternative perspective, focusing on how building up community assets and resources may help create a safe and vibrant neighborhood. A conceptual approach that utilizes risk and promotive neighborhood variables may help develop new conceptual frameworks for understanding how context may decrease risk for, or moderate, the negative consequences of IPV. Using five waves of data from a 24-year longitudinal study, we employ multilevel linear regression models to examine the trajectory of IPV experiences in relation to positive perceptions of neighborhood, neighborhood cohesion, and informal social control in individuals aged 28 to 33 years. We control for the neighborhood and individual-level risk factors of alcohol consumption, drug use, observed neighborhood violence, and demographic factors of age, race, sex, and socioeconomic status. We found that positive perceptions of neighborhood, alcohol consumption, drug use, economic need, and observed neighborhood violence are associated with IPV. Levels of IPV risk were relatively constant within individuals across waves, but varied significantly between individuals. The measure of positive perceptions of neighborhood is derived from busy streets theory, which may be a useful conceptual framework for understanding how neighborhoods may contribute to positive social contexts that can protect residents from IPV experiences, and potentially other violent behavior. Additional research examining promotive social neighborhood features derived from busy streets theory may help expand our understanding of contextual factors that affect IPV.
Rates of intimate partner violence (IPV) victimization are higher among women with a gambling problem. However, women's experiences of this violence, from a gendered perspective, have not been ...examined. Based on interviews with 24 women, this study explored how problem gambling contributes to IPV against women across three levels of influence. Findings reveal that problem gambling did not directly cause IPV, but interacts where gendered drivers and reinforcers are present to exacerbate this violence. Reducing violence against women with a gambling problem requires a coordinated, integrated multidisciplinary approach targeting different levels of influence.
Previous work links witnessing adult violence in the home during childhood (“witnessing”) and adolescent relationship violence, but studies are limited to recent experiences with one or two outcomes, ...missing the holistic viewpoint describing lifetime experiences across multiple types of violence. We measured associations between witnessing and victimization (being harmed by violence) and perpetration (causing harm by violence) among males and females for the three most common types of adolescent relationship violence (physical, sexual, and emotional), and we assessed whether students experienced multiple outcomes (“polyvictimization/ polyperpetration”). We also compared sex-specific differences to assess for additive effect modification. We used an anonymous, cross-sectional survey with 907 undergraduates attending randomly selected classes at three urban East Coast colleges. Multiple logistic regression and marginal standardization were used to estimate predicted probabilities for each outcome among witnesses and non-witnesses; additive interaction by sex was assessed using quantifiable measures. 214 (24%) students reported witnessing and 403 (44%) students experienced adolescent relationship violence, with 162 (17.9%) and 37 (4.1%) experiencing polyvictimization and polyperpetration, respectively. Witnesses had higher risk than non-witnesses for physical, sexual, and emotional victimization and perpetration. Notably, witnesses also had higher risk for polyvictimization and polyperpetration. Additive effect modification by sex was insignificant at 95% confidence bounds, but distinct patterns emerged for males and females. Except for sexual victimization, female witnesses were more likely than female non-witnesses to experience all forms of victimization, including polyvictimization; they also had higher risk for perpetration, particularly physical perpetration. In contrast, victimization outcomes did not differ for male witnesses, but male witnesses were more likely than male non-witnesses to perpetrate all forms of violence, including polyperpetration.
PDF
