Autor u prvom dijelu teorijski situira fenomen slobodnog vremena u
tradicionalnoj predindustrijskoj i seljačkoj sredini industrijske civilizacije pokazujući, kako i u čemu nastaju promjene spram ...tradicionalnog seljačkog života u kojem je dnevno vrijeme cjelovito.
Taj dio raščlambe svjedoči rijetku autorovu upućenost u literaturu i
pojavu što je istražuje, a što se ponajbolje ogleda u analitički utemeljenom razmatranju ritmova rada, obiteljskih obveza, svetkovina i slobodnog vremena ovisno o godišnjem dobu, proizvodnim ciklusima, vremenskim prilikama, raspoloživoj radnoj snazi i vlastitom ritmu rada, koji se uvijek za neku nijansu razlikuje
od ritma rada susjeda i seoske sredine. Radno i slobodno vrijeme su
isprepleteni i tek ekološki čimbenici i biološke potrebe nameću određene granice, jer je proizvodni rad seljaka nedjeljiv od njegovog
cjelokupnog života. Nakon toga autor na zoran i rijetko zanimljiv način izlaže transformaciju prazničnih sadržaja, sezonsku i dnevnu
dokolicu, utjecaj privrednih i kulturnih čimbenika na opseg i sadržaj
tradicionalne dokolice, te institucije tradicionalnog provođenja slobodnog vremena u selu. U dijelu o urbaniziranju slobodnog
vremena u selu temeljem rezultata vlastitog istraživanja društveno-zabavnog života u pedesetak sela autor je osobitu pozornost usmjerio
na promjene s obzirom na stupanj razvijenosti sela (razvijena, srednje razvijena i nerazvijena), spol i dob ispitanika, te socijalnu
heterogenizaciju i heterogenizaciju dokolice u selima Jugoslavije početkom šezdesetih godina 20. stoljeća. Analiza položaja žena, seljaka-radnika, pojave umirovljenika primjer je autorove socijalne
osjetljivosti i potvrda pozicije angažiranog intelektualca-znanstvenika.
Autor pod tradicionalnom kulturom razumijeva kulturu predindustrijske civilizacije
općenito.
Polazeći od gledišta da se vrednote usvajaju tijekom socijalizacije pojedinca u djetinjstvu
i mladenaštvu, ...autor je ustanovio da znatna većina populacije Jugoslavije
potječe iz ruralnih zajednica u kojima su primarne grupe uglavnom još uvijek zadojene
vrednotama tradicionalne kulture, odnosno njezine seoske dimenzije. Stvarajući
moderno društvo i modernu kulturu, ovi ljudi u njih unose vrednote i mentalitet
tradicionalnoga društva i kulture.
Predindustrijski sistem vrednota utječe na razvoj suvremenoga jugoslavenskog
društva tako što usporava promjene u proizvodnji i tehnikama rada te djelujući i
kočeći industrijsku organizaciju rada. On također podržava statičnost proizvodnje,
izbjegavanje proizvodnog rizika i ravnodušnost spram inovacija i principa radne racionalnosti,
discipline i efikasnosti.
Dok u pred industrijskom društvu srodstvo i lokalna zajednica određuju životni ciklus
pojedinca, dotle u modernom društvu tu ulogu imaju brojne i specijalizirane institucije.
U suvremenom jugoslavenskom društvu prejaka privrženost vrednotama tradicionalne
kulture dovodi do ekstremnog familijarizma, sklonosti klansko-klikaškom povezivanju,
uloge neformalnih grupa i podložnosti paternalističkom autoritetu. postoji
općenita tendencija prenošenja društvenog sustava tradicionalne lokalne zajednice
u funkcionalne institucije, što - između ostalog - umanjuje ulogu samoupravnog
sistema koji se razvija u suvremenom jugoslavenskom društvu.
Autor se zalaže za sustavna empirijska istraživanja utjecaja kulturnih vrednota na
društveni razvoj, koja bi omogućila pouzdano rasuđivanje o stvarnom utjecaju
vrednota tradicionalne kulture.
The alliance of workers and peasants was an essential condition for the
victory of the October Revolution, the first successful socialist revolution in the
world. Although Lenin gave sufficient ...theoretical explanation for the necessity ol
the participation of peasants in the October Revolution, contemporary Marxists
are faced with the task of continuing to study closely the experiences of the
Uctobei Revolution and other socialist revolutions when dealing with the a°rarian
and peasant questions. &
This task has acquired additional urgency through the fact that a detailed
analysis ol the participation ol peasants in socialist revolutions — ranging from
the October Revolution, the Chinese and the Yugoslav revolutions to the Cuban
and other revolutions — can promote a better understanding of the nature and
trends of national liberation movements and struggles of the present era whose
initial stages as a rule bear the features of peasant revolutions (in respect of the
forces and immediate programmes involved).
The author tries to make a modest contribution to the study of the agrarian
question and the role of the peasantry in the October Revolution by discussing
briefly certam characterastics of the history of the agrarian question in Russia
and Europe during the period before the Revolution.
f ^The f-rS^ fe,wPart the author’s longer paper are published in this number
of the periodical. In a few next numbers there will be published the other parts.
In this number published article, the author discusses the agrarian problems in
bourgeois revolutions in Europe through the 19th century, results of the restricted
developments capitalism in Russia after 1861 and theoretical conflicts in solutions
of the agrarian question in the Russian bourgeois revolution.
Jhe two Russian bourgeois democratic revolutions which preceded the socialist
0ct°der Revolution hid not settle the agrarian question because of the treachery
of the bourgeoisie The bourgeoisie entered into alliance with the feudal class
tearing lest the proletariat should seize power. As a result these revolutions did
not resolve the agrarian question even to which it was solved bv the bourgeois
revolutions m Europe in the 19th century and even before. "
What marked the situation in Russia in particular was the fact that the
agianan programme aroused clashes and ideological disputes between the Marxist
conception, the Populist conception and the conception of liberal capitalism The
author briefly discusses the essence of these disputes.
The author analysis particularly theoretical basis and practical consequences
of the populism conception.
In order to answer the question concerning the destiny of a city, the author has first and foremost paid attention to the development of a city and urban society through history. On basis of analysis ...he has concluded that there is not one conception about a city (except the one by H. Lefebvre) to offer some reliable answers. Furthermore, the author emphasizes that all the popular contemporary conceptions about an ideal city have a conservative feature in themselves because they are based on sorrow for the rural past. Nowadays we witness the urban exodus, but not as a return to rural way of living under the protection of a city, because each idea about the village and villagers being kept unchanged, is just illusory.
The author emphasizes that the development of cities results from the periodical fluxes of urbanization without intervention that has been given human meaning, without minimum human solutions in the visions of urbanists. That uncontrolled gigantic urbanization can be avoided by turning over the methods of production. All other »solutions« are the forming of suburban colonies and rings surrounding a contemporary city. In fact, there is no way out from the inevitability of megalopolis for the moment. Even socialist societies have been inclined to imitate the development of a capitalist city, forgetting to present the question of a city according to the principal human intentions of socialism.
Conclusion about the necessity regarding the Marxist conception in the field of urban sociology and reflections about space, have been brought out by the author in order to answer the yet unanswerable question — in what way should a city be built and space organized as to exhibit total change in methods of production, tendency of a product to take over control over the means of production and consumption? In order to answer that question, Šuvar apostrophizes necessity for the Marxist conception of stock economy and fulfillment of true human needs of all people in space planning to be made emphatic. That is where the meaning of socialist progress philosophy resides.
Under traditional culture the author understands the culture of pre-industrial civilization in general. Starting from the view that values are acquired in the course of the socialization of the ...individual in childhood and youth, the author states that a great majority of Yugoslavia's population descend from rural communities where the
primary groups are generally still imbued with the values of traditional culture
or its rural projection In developing modern society and modern culture people
introduce into them the values and mentality of traditional society and culture.
The pre-industrial system of values affects the development of contemporary
Yugoslav society as a whole through slowing down change in production techniques
and acting as a break on the industrial organization of work. It also tends to
maintain a statical production, avoidance of production risks, and indifference
to innovations and to principles of work rationalization, discipline and efficiency.
In the pre-industrial society it was Kinship family, and the local community
that determined the life circle of the individual, while in modern society
he plays numerous in specialized institutions.
In contemporary Yugoslav society too adherence to the values of traditional
culture leads to such trends as extreme familiarism, clan and clique connections,
rule of informal groups, and subordination to paternalistic authority. There is a
general tendency to transfer the social system of the traditional local community
to functional institutions which — among other things — diminishes the role society management system which is being developed by Yugoslav contemporary
The author calls for systematic empirical investigations of the effect of
cultural values on social development, for these alone would make it possible to
establish with any, certainty the actual effect of the values of traditional culture.
Parts of the same study were published in an earlier issue (No. 18) of this
periodical, JLhe present issue contains those sections of tne study which deal in
detail witn the development ot tne ...agrarian question in Russia and the political
struggle ror its solution during the lsib/l9U7 revolution, tne Feoruary Revolution
ot lüi/, and finally the October Revolution.
in the opinion of the author the main importance of the 1905/1907 revolution
lays in the fact that it led to the political alliance ot the working class and the
peasants. Rousing ail social classes of tsarist Russia, the Revolution gave them
their proper place, revealed their respective class interests and opposeu them in
an open class struggle. Its aim was to overthrow social structures which hampered
the oourgeois-democratic development ot society. The central question of the lyua
revolution was the agrarian question: a total of only 28,000 landlords owned
almost as much land as over ten million peasant families. It was the rule of feudal
forces and relations in tne rural districts that led to the peasants' struggle for
land and their demand for free agricultural production. Two possible courses for
change were open in Russia at me time: one was the transformation of large
feudal estates into capitalist enterprises, including expropriation and the proletarization
of the peasantry, and the other was the formation of free peasant
smallholdings and the realization of other demands of the peasant revolution.
The author discusses the causes for the failure of the revolution and the feudal-
capitalist course of development taken by Russia under Stolipin's reforms.
During the 1905 revolution the peasants spontaneously demanded the nationalization
of land which was not to oe put into effect until the Socialist October
Revolution. Lenin was the first to grasp the class meaning of the peasants'
demand for land nationalization and he introduced it into the Bolshevik agrarian
programme, opposing at the same time the municipalization of land which was
demanded by the Mensheviks, and the purchase of land proposed by the Constitutional
Democrats.
The experiences of 1905 showed that in a feudal bourgeois country a peasant
revolution can be effective only under the leadership of the proletariat.
Reffering to Stolipin's reforms and Russia’s involvement in the first world
war, the autnor goes on to analyse the role of the peasants and the agrarian
question from February till October 1917.
Incontrast to 1905, this period saw the emergence of village soviets as organs
expressing directly the organizational revolutionary abilities of the mass of population.
While the actual state authority was in the hands of the Temporary
Government, these soviets presented the rule of soldiers, workers and peasants
as resulting from the revolutionary action and the power of the masses. The
Bolsheviks' demand that the soviets be given full authority was finally accepted
in October 1917 when the population became exasperated at the continuation of
the war and the false promises of the bourgeois government. The October Revolution
resolved the agrarian question on the principles on which the first Russian
revolution of 1905 had failed to solve it. In the course of the revolution the
peasants' struggle for land became directly linked with the workers’ action for
the overthrow of the exploiting classes. However, the Land Decree, adopted by
the congress of the soviets on the night of 26 October (8 November), did not
contain all the clauses of the Bolshevik agrarian programme. The peasants’ land
programme, which formed the main content of the Land Decree, was in fact the
populist programme put into effect by the October Revolution. The October Revolution
solved the land problem according to the wishes of the peasants. At that
time Lenin insisted that in revolutionary practice the position of the peasants and
that of the Bolshevik Party would necessarily meet. Starting from the realization
of class and property differences among the peasants, the Bolsheviks knew that
the peasants’ general struggle for land and their final reckoning with feudalism
which the success of the October Revolution made possible, was only a necessary
prerequisite for advancing through socialist revolution towards the socialist socialization
of agriculture and the elimination of capitalist element from the peasant
class itself.
Although the current period has already produced the economic and technical
bases for equalizing the Way of life of the urban population with that of rural
inhabitants, even in the industrially most ...highly developed countries conflicts
between town and country are still very noticeable in daily life. In Yugoslavia
there exist both traditional bases of such conflicts and new ones which derive from
industrialization and urbanization.
The author discusses the following bases of the town-country conflicts in
Yugoslav contemporary society: low level of the rural-urban continuum; discrepancy
between the rate of urbanization and the rate of deagrarization (abandonment
of farming); crisis in the objectives of rural and urban developments; the
isolationist policy of urban areas in relation to rural areas; erroneous concepts
of progress in relations between town and country; lack of the practice of complex
spatial planning.
The author deals especially with the conflicting relations between town
and country in the economic, cultural and political spheres.
Discussing certain measures for reducing the conflict between town and
country in Yugoslav modern society, the author lists the following requirements:
— to pursue the policy of a planned development of the rural-urban continuum
which would ensure a more even distribution of social institutions and
achievements of civilization between urban centres and rural areas and discourage
excessive concentration in towns which are increasingly affected by the contradictions
arising from their own growth and the limitations of their own possibilities;
— to reduce the discrepancy between urbanization and deagrarization by
urbanizing life in the village rather than by a forced development of towns; this
also calls for a more just distribution of the respective social funds between urban
and rural communities;
— to determine the optimum growth of towns and define new bases for the
spatial organization of rural areas expanding urban interests over the whole space
rather than limiting them to the imaginary walls of towns;
— to lay down the objectives of rural development — not as a distant pro
grammatic ideal, but as concrete tasks for the immediate period, seeking primarily
to encourage and organize the still unexploited productive potentialities of the
village and create a more favourable basis for achieving parity between the incomes
of the rural and the urban populations;
— to bring about real changes in the economic system which will ensure the
prosperity of agriculture and promote the modernization of smallholdings;
— to ensure equal political participation of the rural population.
