Autor u ovom radu najprije ističe da je u povijesti istraživanja monaškoga života i duhovnosti u ranome kršćanstvu krjepost poslušnosti ostala izvan fokusa. Zato svoje istraživanje uvodi tumačeći ...teološko značenje ove krjeposti u kontekstu ranokršćanskog asketizma i monaštva. Potom prelazi na propitivanje ove krjeposti u konkretnom povijesnom kontekstu monaških inicijativa u zapadnome kršćanstvu od 4. do 6. stoljeća. U tom smislu najprije istražuje značenje ove krjeposti za sv. Jeronima, potom za sv. Augustina i naposljetku za sv. Benedikta. S obzirom na sv. Jeronima i njegov pristup monaštvu, istaknuo je da je Jeronim preferirao zajednički život preporučujući ga kao pouzdaniji jer pretpostavlja posluh starijima. Sveti Augustin pak kao autor najstarijeg monaškog pravila na Zapadu definira posluh i jednim poglavljem svoga Pravila. I premda ne ulazi u detalje, ipak je očit napredak da je Hiponac Pravilom istaknuo posluh kao nezaobilaznu krjepost monaškoga života. Kao krunu ovoga procesa autor ističe značenje sv. Benedikta i njegova Pravila u kojem posluh ima svoje mjesto kao jedna od najznačajnijih krjeposti. A za kraj donosi završni uvid u pristup posluhu od vremena sv. Jeronima do vremena sv. Benedikta, jasno dokazujući da su upravo ova trojica promicatelja monaštva na Zapadu uložili veliki napor u afirmaciji poslušnosti za monaški život.
In this paper the author first points out that in the history of research into monastic life and spirituality in early Christianity, the virtue of obedience remained out of focus. That is why he introduces this research by interpreting the theological meaning of this virtue in the context of early Christian asceticism and monasticism. Then he moves on to the analysis of this virtue in the concrete historical context of monastic initiatives in Western Christianity from the 4th to the 6th century. In this sense, he first explores the meaning of this virtue for St. Jerome, then for St. Augustine and finally for St. Benedict. Regarding St. Jerome and his approach to monasticism, he points out that Jerome preferred communal life, recommending it as more reliable because it assumes obedience to elders. Saint Augustine, on the other hand, as the author of the oldest monastic rule in the West, defines obedience in one chapter of his Rule. And although he does not go into details, it is still an obvious progress that, by his Rule, Bishop of Hippo emphasized obedience as an indispensable virtue of monastic life. As the crown of this process, the author emphasizes the importance of St. Benedict and his Rule in which obedience has its place as one of the most important virtues. And lastly, he brings a final view on the approach to obedience from the time of St. Jerome until the time of St. Benedict, clearly proving that it was these three promoters of monasticism in the West who made a great effort in affirming obedience for the monastic life.
Autor u ovom članku obrađuje problem kriza vjere nekada i danas te uzroka i mogućih rješenja tih kriza koje je kršćanstvo ponudilo u svom povijesnom hodu. Nakon što je protumačio da se pod krizama ...vjere podrazumijevaju poremećaji u životu pojedinca ili zajednice, istaknuo je da postoje unutarnji i vanjski uzroci kriza vjere. Potom se je osvrnuo na nekoliko najtipičnijih situacija koje su uzrokovale krize vjere tijekom povijesti Crkve. Krivovjerja su bila najveće ugroze vjere iznutra, a progoni vjernika i Crkve u prvim stoljećima predstavljali su izvanjske napade na vjeru globalnih razmjera, a napose progoni od polovice 3. stoljeća. Kao ilustraciju iznio je osvrt sv. Ciprijana, koji je istaknuo da krize vjere u Crkvi mogu nastati uslijed napada izvana, ali je još gore ako nastanu uslijed nejedinstva i raskola koji zahvaćaju Crkvu iznutra. No, osim krivovjerja i raskola, vjeru je iznutra rastakao i grijeh i grešan život mnogih vjernika, što je dovodilo u krizu druge vjernike na koje je grijeh djelovao sablažnjivo. Autor je mišljenja da se krize vjere događaju uvijek iznutra, odnosno kada duša napušta Boga kao svoj temelj, pa i onda kada im impuls dolazi izvana. S druge pak strane, istaknuo je da Sveto pismo često stavlja pred oči vjeru koja dovodi do krize, ali krize shvaćene kao izbor, razlučivanje, izabiranje i odluka. Takvim se krizama služio Isus u svome djelovanju i navještaju, a vidljive su i u mnogim događajima Starog zavjeta. No Isusu tim krizama nije želio dovesti do nevjere ili bezboštva, već naprotiv, izgraditi vjernike za autentičnu, osobnu i čvrstu vjeru. Autor je mišljenja da bi to trebao biti put nadilaska i krize vjere našeg vremena, koja se ne može nadići samo obnovom ili promjenom struktura nego obnovom izravnog i živog zajedništva sa živim Bogom.
This article delves into the issue of religious crises, both in the past and present. The author explores the causes of these crises and how Christianity historically provided solutions. The author points out that crises of faith can disrupt the lives of individuals and communities, and there are both internal and external factors that can contribute to them. Throughout history, heresies and persecutions have been the most significant threats to faith. The article highlights the persecution of believers and the Church in the first centuries, particularly in mid-3rd century, as an example of external attacks on Christianity. The author also discusses the example of St Cyprian, the bishop of Carthage, and the impact of the persecutions on the believers’ faith. Cyprian emphasizes that, while external attacks can cause crises of faith, disunity and schism within the Church can be even more damaging. It seems that when the faith was challenged by heresy and schism, it also faced an internal threat from sin and the sinful behaviour of believers. This caused a crisis for those who were vulnerable to the temptation of sin or scandalized by sinners. The author asserts this crisis was rooted either in a devia tion from God or a complete rejection of Him, which allowed for an ungodly lifestyle. The author also suggests that these crises always originate from within, where the soul abandons its foundation in God, even if the initial impulse comes from external sources. When individuals or groups of believers lose their connection to God, they inevitably experience a crisis that can lead to spiritual death. This serves as a sobering reminder of the importance of staying connected to God and living a life that is pleasing to Him. Interestingly, while the Holy Scriptures may present faith as a path that leads to a crisis, in this case, the crisis is interpreted as a choice, a discernment, a selection, a decision, and not a rupture. Jesus used these crisis moments in his deeds and preaching, and they can also be seen throughout the Old Testament. However, it is important to understand that Jesus never intended for these crises to lead to unbelief or impiety. Rather, he aimed to build believers who had an authentic, personal, and firm faith. The author believes this same approach can be used to transcend the crisis of faith that the Church faces today. This crisis cannot be overcome simply by changing structures or renewing them. Instead, a renewal of our direct and living communion with the living God is required.
Autor se u ovom istraživanju u trima cjelinama bavi promjenom paradigme u kasnoantičkom svijetu u poimanju bolesti. Najprije će istražiti pristup bolesti u antici i kasnoj antici kada su dominirala ...dva osnovna pristupa: medicinski i religijski (poganski, mitološki). U drugoj cjelini bavi se teorijama o uzrocima bolesti, pri čemu je imao potrebu istaknuti tri temeljna načina njihova tumačenja: filozofski, medicinski i religijski. Posljednje poglavlje posvetio je istraživanju kršćanskoga stava prema bolesti, prateći tekstove i svjedočanstva svetih otaca u prvih nekoliko stoljeća. Svoje tvrdnje rasporedio je u tri dijela: najprije je pokušao odgovoriti na pitanje što je bolest i koji su joj uzroci iz kršćanske perspektive, potom je nastojao definirati ulogu Boga u liječenju bolesti, a naposljetku je istaknuo ulogu Krista kao liječnika prema poimanju u ranokršćanskoj teologiji. Glavni je autorov zaključak da su kršćani napravili najveću promjenu paradigme i životnih stavova prema medicini zahvaljujući drukčijem poimanju Boga, a sve što je bilo u skladu s njihovom svijesti o Bogu ostalo je nepromijenjeno. Upravo zato nisu osporili ni filozofiju ni medicinu kao znanost, premda su napravili određene zaokrete i unijeli novosti.
The author of this research, in three units, deals with the change of paradigm in the world of late antiquity in understanding illness. First, he examined illness in antiquity and late antiquity, which were dominated by two basic approaches: medical and religious (pagan, mythological). The second chapter deals with theories regarding the causes of illness, where the author highlights three fundamental ways of their interpretation: philosophical, medical, and religious. The last chapter is dedicated to studying the Christian attitude toward illness, following the texts and testimonies of the holy fathers in the first few centuries. The author arranged his claims in three parts: first, he tried to answer the question of what illness is and what are its causes from a Christian perspective; then, he tried to define the role of God in treating illness; and finally, he emphasized the role of Christ as a physician as understood in early Christian theology. The author’s main conclusion is that Christians made the biggest change in paradigm and life attitudes toward medicine thanks to a different notion of God, and everything that was in accordance with their awareness of God remained unchanged. That is why they did not challenge philosophy or medicine as a science, although they made certain shifts and introduced innovations.
The author of this research, in three units, deals with the change of paradigm in the world of late antiquity in understanding illness. First, he examined illness in antiquity and late antiquity, ...which were dominated by two basic approaches: medical and religious (pagan, mythological). The second chapter deals with theories regarding the causes of illness, where the author highlights three fundamental ways of their interpretation: philosophical, medical, and religious. The last chapter is dedicated to studying the Christian attitude toward illness, following the texts and testimonies of the holy fathers in the first few centuries. The author arranged his claims in three parts: first, he tried to answer the question of what illness is and what are its causes from a Christian perspective; then, he tried to define the role of God in treating illness; and finally, he emphasized the role of Christ as a physician as understood in early Christian theology. The author’s main conclusion is that Christians made the biggest change in paradigm and life attitudes toward medicine thanks to a different notion of God, and everything that was in accordance with their awareness of God remained unchanged. That is why they did not challenge philosophy or medicine as a science, although they made certain shifts and introduced innovations.
U ovom radu autori analiziraju pitanje terminologije i definicije gnosticizma kao religijskog pokreta nastalog i popularnog u vrijeme kasne antike. Gnosticizam se kao stvarnost i kao termin propituje ...iz više vidova. Premda pojam gnosticizam nije postojao u starini, mišljenja su da je ovaj pojam u današnjem znanstvenom diskursu opravdan, te ističu činjenicu da bi promjena donijela više pomutnje negoli koristi, bez obzira što u antičkim izvorima nije bio zastupljen, već se isključivo koristio termin “gnoza”. No baš zbog toga ističe se potreba razlikovanja između gnoze kao tajne spoznaje i gnosticizma kao religiozno-filozofskog fenomena kojem je pripadao veći broj škola i pokreta koji su se ipak mogli pronaći pod određenim zajedničkim obilježjima. U propitivanju obilježja gnosticizma autori se fokusiraju na gnostički mit u čijem ruhu su gnostički predstavnici promicali antikozmički dualizam obilježen negativnim pogledom na materijalni svijet i kršćansku kozmologiju stvaranja. Jedno od bitnih obilježja gnostičkog dualizma je jasno razlikovanje između Najvišeg Bića i Boga koji stvara ovaj svijet, a koji je zao, nesposoban i neznalica. Iz takvog se mitološkog pogleda na svijet razvija cijeli teološki sustav utemeljen na dualizmu. Dualizam je to ponajprije između dva Boga, to jest dva počela svemira iz kojih proizlazi, ali onda i dualizam između duhovne i materijalne sastavnice svijeta. Naposljetku dio antikozmičkog dualizma je i onaj antropološki, koji u ljudima razlikuje materijalnu i duhovnu stvarnost koje su suprotstavljene jedna drugoj, pri čemu je ona duhovna (pneumatska) ona istinska, te je obdarena mogućnošću da se uz pomoć znanja (gnoza) oslobodi tijela kao tamnice u kojoj boravi i združi sa svojim prapočelom.
Święty Hilary z Poitiers († 367) żył w trudnym momencie historycznym, w którym panował kryzys w stosunkach władzy politycznej i kościelnej. Z jednej stony dziedzictwo Konstantyna Wielkiego w postaci ...uznania chrześciajństwa za religię państwową, z drugiej zaś pokusy ingerencji włądzy cywilnej w wewnętrzne sprawy Kościoła przez jego nastepców. Zaistniałą sytuację pogarszały znacznie walki między różnymi frakcjami chrześcijan, którzy nie mogli nadal osiagnąć pokoju i zgody w kwestaich religijnych nawet pomimo tego, że na Soborze Nicejskim, zostało ogłoszone wyznanie wiary Kościoła. Cesarz Konstancjusz, sprzyjający arianon, w rzeczywistości chciał politycznego rozwiązania problemu teologicznego nie uwzględniajac jednak faktu, że kompromis religijny podważy prawdę o Bogu. Na kanwie tych wydarzeń zasadniczą kwestią stanie się precyzyjne określenie pojecia religii prawdziwej. Autor artykułu podjął badania nad różnymi znaczeniami terminu religio w pismach Biskupa Poitiers. Analiza tekstów pozwoliła na zaprezentowanie jego rozumienia religii, a zwłaszcza, wskazanie kryteriów określających zarówno religię jak i Kościół, który również może być rozumiany pod pojęciem religii. Jak konkluduje Autor dla św. Hilarego jedyną, prawdziwą religią jest ta, która została objawiona przez Boga, On sam ją zapoczątkował na ziemi. Dodatkowo religia ta jest zgodna z prawem, ponieważ pochodzi od Boga, który jest jego autorem. Hilary pokazuje wyraźnie, że prawda religijna nie ma prowieniencji ludzkiej, ale jest prawdą ze względu na to, co objawił Bóg. Stąd też postulaty Hilarego pod adresem cesarza, który nie może działać w Kościele jako absolutny pan i traktować Kościoła jako religii pogańskiej. Kościół jest depozytariuszem prawdy otrzymanej od Boga jak również wskazówek odnośnie do właściwego i należnego Bogu kultu i nie może odejsć od tego nawet za cenę konfliktu z cesarzem.
This article aims to provide the comprehensive and systematic review of the doctrine of Photinus of Sirmium († 376), based on the work of Hilary of Poitiers De Trinitate composed between 358 and 360. ...Photinus error is primarily Christological. The first part of the article deals with Hilary’s interpretation of Photinus’understanding of the subject of the Incarnation according to which God the Word/the Word of God was comprehended as a part or one of God’s powers, a mere word, the expression of thought, which does not really differ from God, having no subsistence or existence, so that God is ultimately considered solitary. It is a strict Monarchianism. The second part focuses on Photinus’understanding (based on De Trinita-te) of what was “assumed” of the humanity by the Word of God for the pur-pose of Incarnation, and in which way. Two interpretations referring to Pho-tinus’understanding of the conception of Jesus Christ in Mary, attribute it supernatural causes (the Virginal conception by the non-subsistent Word) and presumably quite natural causes. For the purpose of the Incarnation, the Word of God “assumes” (“takes on”) the entire man, conceived in Mary. The “Incarnation”, as such, is accomplished by the extension of the non-subsisting Word and its in/ dwelling in that man. Based on De Trinitate, the third part deals with the effects of “the Incarnation” as it was understood by Photinus. Hilary concludes that it results in two subjects: on the one hand, it is solus communis generis homo who was born of Mary, and on the other hand, the non-subsistent Word of God that dwelt in that man. The union of the man born of Mary and the Word of God – a part of God’s powers – is reduced, by Photinus and in Hilary’s interpretation, to habitatio, temporary and accidental in/dwelling of the Word of God in the man in a manner the Spirit dwelt in prophets. The effect of the in/dwelling of the Word in a man born of Mary (or the dwelling itself) can be taken as prophetal inspiration, animation, consisting of mere external strengthening of the man and empowering him for his and Divine activity, nevertheless, man’s vital and, and as it seems operative, principle is his soul. Based on De Trinitate, Divine Sonship or filiation and “deification” of man born of Mary, according to Photinus, seems to be due to the fact that the non-subsisting Word of God – a part of God’s powers – dwells in him, inspiring or animating him by strengthening him and empowering him for divine activity. According to Hilary, Photinus denies pre-existence of the Word, that is, the Son, Christ so he cannot even be the co-Creator of the world. He becomes existent, that is, subsistent only through the Incarnation and birth of Mary. For Hilary, Photinus’ adoptionist position is clear: the man is assumed into the Son and into the God. According to Hilary, in Photinus’ doctrine there is no place for the real Incarnation of the true Son of God. Hilary’s interpretation of Photinus’ understanding of Jesus Christ, the Son, is that he is not the Word made flesh, nor he is one and the same both God and Man. For Hilary Jesus Christ or Son of God as Photinus understands him is just someone like a prophet (a man) inspired, that is empowered by a Word of God dwelling in him – by a part of God’s powers – for divine activity; ultimately, Hilary reduces him to a mere man, to a creature. The fourth part points out that opinions expressed in the scholarship – based exclusively on the Book Ten of Hilary’s De Trinitate – according to which Photinus, motivated by soteriology, insisted on the wholeness of Jesus’ humanity that is on the fact that Jesus Christ had a human soul, should be taken relatively. To conclude, on the basis of Book Ten of De Trinitate Photinus insisted on the wholeness of the humanity of Jesus Christ, that is, on his possessing of the human soul, just to the extent which he held that he was a mere man (in whom the non-subsistent Word of God dwelt as a Spirit in prophets).
PDF