Abstract Inspired by Antonio Gramsci, sociologist Pascal Gielen defines the last decade as one of ‘organic crisis’. In such periods many (economic, political, ecological) crisis follow each other ...while the hegemonic order cannot deal with them anymore in a convincing way, and a new political paradigm that can sufficiently deal with them is not yet invented. In such a period the oppositions between left and right, between different ethnic groups, or between genders start to become more black & white. That’s why Gielen thinks also identity politics is problematic, or has at least a very problematic flip side that is contra-productive for finding solutions for this crisis. Instead we need to develop a so-called ambiguity politics inspired by ambiguity aesthetics, that could deal in a better way with the problems and contradictions of this contemporary world of rambling causalities. Such a politics is based on the recognition of the Other in ourselves, and on the understanding of ourselves and our societies as fundamentally ambiguous.
Since the 1950s, play has become part of arts education, and nowadays “doing” or creating something by playing is becoming more and more prominent in artistic training, but also in education in ...general and in (postschool) professional trainings. Based on the historical insights of Johan Huizinga (1949), the author analyzes the role of play for arts education. Especially Huizinga’s theories of play as “pre-cultural” and going beyond the ethics of good and bad open an interesting perspective. How does “play” play a role in the processes of socialization, qualification, and subjectification in the post-Bologna educational realm in which measuring (assessments, audits, contact hours, competences) has become an obsession? The author argues that the spirit of the avant-garde artist can stimulate the process of subjectification and of civil action. This is a “dismeasuring” potency of art education that needs to be cultivated to prepare students for a constantly changing future in which civil society will play a primordial role. It is a matter of preparing them for what one cannot prepare for.
Artists and creative workers have long been attracted to urban environments. Yet the ‘creative city ‘of the 21st century comes with its own pitfalls. From precarity at the level of the worker to ...gentrification at the level of the city: the creative engine starts to sputter. Therefore, after or even against the creative city, this book highlights the ‘common city’. The Rise of the Common City explores the value of commoning for cultural practices in urban contexts. The volume defends the hypothesis that a common culture offers better guarantees of urban sustainability than a purely market- or government-driven culture. After all, cultural dynamics are only possible by sharing. We understand culture in a broad anthropological sense, as a socially shared sign and meaning system through which urbanites can give meaning to their environment and their lives. Creative labour and artistic practices keep cultural dynamics alive by intervening in such processes of meaning. They can question, redraw or simply confirm meaning-making processes, habits, values and norms. That is why culture is too important to be left to the market and the government alone. Culture belongs to everyone. The Rise of the Common City examines the value of commoning for culture, but also the value of culture for commoning. What is the culture of the commons? And vice versa, what strategies, norms and rituals do commoners use to define a common space between government and market? The book sketches answers to these questions through conceptual and empirical work, ranging from sociology and philosophy over urban and cultural studies to law and policy science. The volume includes contributions by Walter van Andel, Iolanda Bianchi, Gideon Boie, Giuliana Ciancio, Lara García Díaz, Pascal Gielen, Arne Herman, Gökhan Kodalak, Thijs Lijster, Lara van Meeteren, Hanka Otte, Ching Lin Pang, Tian Shi, Stavros Stavrides, Maria Francesca De Tullio, Louis Volont and Bart Wissink. If there is any conclusion to be drawn, it might be this: the future of culture will have to be common, or there will be no culture at all.
AbstractHow can artists stay autonomous, and keep their creativity alive in the contemporary society? In this paper is stated that the individual bourgeois model of the artist is not sufficient any ...more to make autonomous art and to stay creative on the long run. If artists want to stay mobile and autonomous they need to build collective organizational structures, which are called 'traveling caravan'. In the parallel historical shifts between 1970 and 2000 from liberalism to neo-liberalism, from Fordism to post-Fordism and from modern to contemporary art, artists need to build up their own artistic biotope if they need to make their work without governmental interference (subsidizes) and free market solutions. The cooperative can be seen as an interesting model to develop such a 'mobile autonomy'.
ResumoComo os artistas podem permanecer autônomos e manter viva sua criatividade na sociedade contemporânea? Neste artigo afirmamos que o modelo individual do artista burguês não é mais suficiente para se fazer arte autônoma e para ser criativo a longo prazo. Se os artistas desejam permanecer móveis e autônomos, precisam construir estruturas organizacionais coletivas, que são chamadas de "caravanas viajantes". Nas mudanças históricas paralelas entre 1970 e 2000, do liberalismo ao neoliberalismo, do fordismo ao pós-fordismo e da arte moderna para a contemporânea, os artistas precisam construir seu próprio biótopo artístico se quiserem fazer seu trabalho sem interferência governamental (subsídios) e soluções de mercado. O cooperativo pode ser visto como um modelo interessante para desenvolver tal 'autonomia móvel'.
AbstractHow can artists stay autonomous, and keep their creativity alive in the contemporary society? In this paper is stated that the individual bourgeois model of the artist is not sufficient any ...more to make autonomous art and to stay creative on the long run. If artists want to stay mobile and autonomous they need to build collective organizational structures, which are called 'traveling caravan'. In the parallel historical shifts between 1970 and 2000 from liberalism to neo-liberalism, from Fordism to post-Fordism and from modern to contemporary art, artists need to build up their own artistic biotope if they need to make their work without governmental interference (subsidizes) and free market solutions. The cooperative can be seen as an interesting model to develop such a 'mobile autonomy'.
Resumo Neste artigo, duas mudanças paralelas são apontadas e sinalizadas. A primeira é a transição da arte-em-comunidade para a assim chamada arte-em-comum; a segunda é a transição da política ...cultural para a política da cultura. Enquanto a arte-em-comunidade, desde os anos 1990, era regulada, legitimada e, algumas vezes, altamente estimulada pelas políticas culturais oficiais de diversos países europeus, a arte-em-comum – que começou a crescer depois da crise financeira iniciada no final de 2007 – na maioria das vezes não contava com tais intervenções. A primeira é subsidiada pelos governos, pois “compensa” as lacunas estruturais do bem-estar social e, particularmente, se concentra sobre a melhoria social, a coesão e a resiliência. Grandes ativistas e o caráter político radical da última fazem com que a arte-em-comum precise se organizar frequentemente em uma dimensão civil não regulada, que fica entre o mercado e o Estado. Neste artigo, os autores analisam as características da tendência de busca de uma arte-em-comum e articulam a hipótese sobre qual tipo de política serviria de apoio para a ascensão dessa práxis artística.
Abstract When politics becomes unavoidable: from community art to communing art. In this article two parallel shifts are signalized and analysed. One is called the transition from community art to so-called commoning art, the other the transition from cultural policy to a politics of culture. While community art, since the 1990’s, was regulated, legitimized and sometimes highly stimulated by the official cultural policies of several European countries, commoning art - which started to boom after the financial crises which started at the end of 2007 – is mostly not. The former is supported by governments because it ‘compensates’ structural gaps in the welfare state and particularly concentrates on social improvement, cohesion and resilience. The highly activist and sometimes radical political character of the latter, makes that commoning artists need to organize themselves in an often not regulated, civil zone between the market and the state. In this article the authors analyse the characteristics of this tendency towards commoning art and they articulate a hypothesis about what kind of politics could be supportive for this rising art praxis.
Abstract Inspired by Antonio Gramsci, sociologist Pascal Gielen defines the last decade as one of ‘organic crisis’. In such periods many (economic, political, ecological) crisis follow each other ...while the hegemonic order cannot deal with them anymore in a convincing way, and a new political paradigm that can sufficiently deal with them is not yet invented. In such a period the oppositions between left and right, between different ethnic groups, or between genders start to become more black & white. That’s why Gielen thinks also identity politics is problematic, or has at least a very problematic flip side that is contra-productive for finding solutions for this crisis. Instead we need to develop a so-called ambiguity politics inspired by ambiguity aesthetics, that could deal in a better way with the problems and contradictions of this contemporary world of rambling causalities. Such a politics is based on the recognition of the Other in ourselves, and on the understanding of ourselves and our societies as fundamentally ambiguous.
Resumo Inspirado por Antonio Gramsci, o sociólogo Pascal Gielen define a última década como uma “crise orgânica”. Nesse período, diversas crises (econômicas, políticas, ecológicas) seguiram umas às outras; ao mesmo tempo, a ordem hegemônica não consegue mais lidar com tais crises de modo convincente e não foi ainda inventado um novo paradigma político que possa suficientemente debruçar-se sobre elas. Nessa última década, as oposições entre esquerda e direita, entre diferentes grupos étnicos ou gêneros, começam a distinguir aquilo que é certo e o que é errado. Este é o porquê Gielen considera a política identitária também problemática, ou ao menos que possui um lado contraprodutivo para encontrar soluções para a crise em questão. Ao contrário da política identitária, devemos desenvolver o que é chamado aqui de política da ambiguidade, que tem inspiração na ambiguidade estética, a qual consegue lidar melhor com problemas e contradições de um mundo contemporâneo de causalidades desmedidas. Tal política é baseada no reconhecimento de um Outro em nós mesmos e em um entendimento fundamentalmente ambíguo de nós e de nossas sociedades.
Inspirado por Antonio Gramsci, o sociólogo Pascal Gielen define a última década como uma “crise orgânica”. Nesse período, diversas crises (econômicas, políticas, ecológicas) seguiram umas às outras; ...ao mesmo tempo, a ordem hegemônica não consegue mais lidar com tais crises de modo convincente e não foi ainda inventado um novo paradigma político que possa suficientemente debruçar-se sobre elas. Nessa última década, as oposições entre esquerda e direita, entre diferentes grupos étnicos ou gêneros, começam a distinguir aquilo que é certo e o que é errado. Este é o porquê Gielen considera a política identitária também problemática, ou ao menos que possui um lado contraprodutivo para encontrar soluções para a crise em questão. Ao contrário da política identitária, devemos desenvolver o que é chamado aqui de política da ambiguidade, que tem inspiração na ambiguidade estética, a qual consegue lidar melhor com problemas e contradições de um mundo contemporâneo de causalidades desmedidas. Tal política é baseada no reconhecimento de um Outro em nós mesmos e em um entendimento fundamentalmente ambíguo de nós e de nossas sociedades.
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