This article analyses public support for a property tax in Croatia. Who supports this tax and who opposes it? The analysis uses public opinion polls conducted by the Faculty of Political Science in ...2016 and 2020. This makes it possible to compare the structure of public opinion before and after the large public debate from 2017 which resulted in a postponement of the tax. The article relies on previous work that showed a link between party identification and support for property taxation and extends this analysis with new data. The article shows that this link still existed in 2016 but that it disappeared in 2020. The article also examines the nature of citizens' economic views and asks if a new liberal orientation arose in the structure of public opinion in Croatia, following the debate on the property tax. The analysis suggests that moderately left-wing opinions still prevail in Croatia, but following the turbulent public discussion of the property tax, new combinations of economic views appear in which liberal and interventionist views intermingle.
Anti-immigration sentiments can take on a variety of forms, but a particularly prevalent version across Europe is welfare chauvinism. According to welfare chauvinism, the services of the welfare ...state should be provided only to natives and not to immigrants. Like many other European countries, German politics also features welfare chauvinism, and not only on the far right segment of the political spectrum. What drives welfare chauvinism? Most studies of welfare chauvinism try to assess whether economic or cultural factors matter most. In an attempt to bridge these perspectives, this article brings in neoliberalism. An examination of survey results from EBRD’s Life in Transition project suggests that neoliberal economic attitudes are a key determinant of welfare chauvinism. German respondents who have neoliberal economic views tend to see immigrants as a drain on the welfare state, while those who have economically leftist views tend to see immigrants as providing a positive contribution.
Anti-immigration sentiments can take on a variety of forms, but a particularly prevalent version across Europe is welfare chauvinism. According to welfare chauvinism, the services of the welfare ...state should be provided only to natives and not to immigrants. Like many other European countries, German politics also features welfare chauvinism, and not only on the far right segment of the political spectrum. What drives welfare chauvinism? Most studies of welfare chauvinism try to assess whether economic or cultural factors matter most. In an attempt to bridge these perspectives, this article brings in neoliberalism. An examination of survey results from EBRD’s Life in Transition project suggests that neoliberal economic attitudes are a key determinant of welfare chauvinism. German respondents who have neoliberal economic views tend to see immigrants as a drain on the welfare state, while those who have economically leftist views tend to see immigrants as providing a positive contribution.
Why did nationalism and socialism combine during Serbia's “anti-bureaucratic revolution”? This article critiques the elite-centric approach prevalent in the literature and suggests a cultural ...argument instead. Three interconnected “elective affinities” brought nationalism and socialism together and separated them from a weak liberal alternative: (1) the emergence of bureaucracy as a “floating signifier”; (2) the search for enemies and a predilection for conspiracy theories; and (3) anti-intellectualism with special emphasis on the search for “one truth.” The elite-centric approach is assessed by looking at actors who, if the thesis is correct, should have been the least likely adopters of nationalist ideas.
This article contributes to debates about the break-up of Yugoslavia by focusing on Serbia's 'anti-bureaucratic revolution', a large protest wave that occurred in 1988. Unlike most discussions which ...focus on elite involvement, this article emphasises the wider cultural resonance of anti-bureaucratic populism. More generally, this article shows that populism can be strengthened if it is coupled with producerism, that is, a discourse that divides society into productive and parasitic groups. Around 800 political cartoons from three Serbian newspapers are analysed. The common theme that emerges is the opposition of the blue-collar worker to the parasitic political functionary.
This article summarizes recent trends in Croatia with regard to class analysis and class discourse. It traces the main currents both in academic debate as well as more broadly in the public sphere. ...Issues of class were sidelined with the outbreak of war and the rise of nationalism in the 1990s. Later, neoliberalism further weakened class and leftist discourse. Research on class has been sporadic and rare. New developments among a younger generation of leftist activists and scholars have begun to challenge the silence on class, but the main trends have not been reversed.
Ovaj rad daje kritički pregled teorijske perspektive koju ju razvio Karl Polanyi, prije svega u svojem glavnom djelu, Velikoj preobrazbi iz 1944. godine. Što ovaj pristup nudi ekonomskoj teoriji, ...pogotovo heterodoksnoj? Fokus se stavlja na tri elementa koja su ključna u Polanyijevom radu: (1) “ugrađenost” tržišta u društvo, (2) “fiktivne robe” (rad, priroda i novac) i (3) “dvostruko kretanje”, tj. političko nametanje samoregulirajućeg tržišta i zaštitna reakcija društva. Odskočna daska za rad je istraživanje čitanosti Polanyija provedeno među vodećim američkim ekonomistima.
This article uses a mixed-methods approach to analyze the relationship between television and protest during East Germany's revolution. The content of television newscasts, both West German and East ...German, is analyzed together with protest event data. There are two key findings. First, West German coverage of protests is associated with an increase in protest in the first phase of the revolution. This finding emerges from time series analysis. Second, West German and East German television coverage were interacting, with the latter reacting to the former. This finding emerges from both quantitative and qualitative analysis.
Ovaj rad kritički razmatra rad Thomasa Pikettya o nejednakosti, s posebnim fokusom na recepciji njegovih ideja u društvenim znanostima. Najprije se kvantitativnom analizom tekstova koji citiraju ...Pikettyjeve najvažnije radove istra- žuje recepcija Pikettyja u akademskim raspravama. Zatim se detaljnije razmatraju tipovi kritika koje dolaze iz ekonomije i sociologije, dviju često suprotstavljenih disciplina koje su se najviše posvetile raspravama o Pikettyju. Ovaj rad nadopunjuje postojeće kritike dodatnim prijedlozima koji su relevantni za znanstveno bavljenje nejednakošću i za proces zamišljanja reformi koje bi se s nejednakošću mogle nositi.
Ovaj se rad bavi analizom podrške porezu na nekretnine u Hrvatskoj. Tko podržava taj porez, a tko mu se protivi? Analiza se služi anketama Fakulteta političkih znanosti iz 2016. i 2020. godine. Na ...taj se način može usporediti struktura javnoga mišljenja prije i poslije velike javne rasprave iz 201 7. godine, koja je rezultirala odgad strok signanjem poreza. Rad se nastavlja na prijašnje analize, koje su pokazale povezanost stranačke identifikacije i podrške porezu na nekretnine. Rad širi te analize novim podacima. Pokazuje se da 2016. godine ta veza i dalje postoji, ali da ona nestaje 2020. godine. Rad ispituje i kakva je priroda ekonomskih stavova samih grad strok signana te postavlja pitanje može li se nakon rasprave o porezu na nekretnine govoriti o eventualnoj novoj liberalnoj orijentaciji u strukturi javnoga mišljenja u Hrvatskoj. Analiza sugerira da u Hrvatskoj i dalje pretežu umjereno lijevi ekonomski stavovi, ali da se nakon burne javne diskusije o porezu na nekretnine dogad strok signaju odred strok signene promjene ekonomskih stavova, u kojima se liberalni i intervencionistički stavovi med strok signusobno isprepleću.
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