U članku se analiziraju ključne točke sukoba u ustavnom procesu Kraljevine Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca od nastanka te države do usvajanja Vidovdanskog ustava. Autor identificira pitanje unutarnjeg ...teritorijalnog razgraničenja kao nepomirljiv dio inače šireg spektra ustavnopravnih sporova između najutjecajnijih političkih stranaka. Pritom argumentira tezu da izvor sukoba leži u činjenici da su različite političke strategije vezane uz partikularne nacionalne ideologije bile formirane puno prije nastanka jugoslavenske ideologije i stvaranja države 1918. Iako nisu bile u potpunosti jedinstvene u pogledu svih ustavnih pitanja, najveća slovenska i najveća hrvatska politička stranka zagovarale su očuvanje povijesnih granica, što je bilo u skladu sa strategijom federalizacije koja se temeljila na nacionalnom principu. Različitim političkim i pravnim manevrima njihovi su se alternativni prijedlozi u potpunosti zanemarili te je usvojen unitaristički Vidovdanski ustav.
The article analyses the Yugoslav idea among Slovenian liberals from Trieste in the period before the First World War. Initially, they favoured the idea of a third politico-administrative unit that ...would incorporate Trieste within the Habsburg Monarchy. In this setting, they built a partnership with the Croatian political representatives. The first round of the Balkan wars caused euphoria among Slovenian liberals in Trieste and stimulated the development of a new political framework-namely, the federalization of the Habsburg Monarchy, and its integration with the Union of Balkan Slavs. However, the second round of the Balkan wars imposed a reduction of the Slovenian liberals' initial plan; they excluded the Bulgarians from the Southern Slav political framework, thereby accepting the Serbian vision of the state.
This article examines the political framework of “novi kurs” (“New Course”) from the beginning of the 20th century, its strategic aims and its function within the battle of different visions of a ...South Slavic state. The evidence shows that the new political direction contributed to the improvement of conflicting relations between Croats and Serbs, but, at the same time, it had a negative impact on the Croatian-Slovenian alliance along the Adriatic coast. In the context of the latter relation, the author analyses the reactions of Slovenians from Trieste and Primorska region who were supposed to be the collaterals due to what seemed to be an agreement between Serbs and Croats. However, although the “New Course” may be seen as long expected consensus between Croats and Serbs, a thorough analysis undermines that thesis. This became evident with the formation of two political factions within the Croatian-Serbian Coalition in which different views on the fundamental geopolitical parameters of the South Slavic state were developed.
Abstract The article presents the criteria employed in distinguishing languages and, within the framework of structuralist and sociolinguistic perspectives, delves into the role of identification ...criteria in the context of the Croatian language. Through a critical analysis of the interpretation of various criteria in Croatian linguistics, the article uncovers the issue of arbitrariness in language differentiation. The author asserts that, as a product of society, language cannot exist without its specific cultural context and, therefore, concurs with the thesis that language is inevitably influenced by politics. Within the scope of the Croatian language, the article examines several differentiation criteria, including structural, genetic, standardization, mutual intelligibility, and, notably, the identification criterion. The latter appears to be the least ambiguous, aligning with the principle that a language belongs to the entire community of its speakers. However, practical application raises certain challenges.
U članku se analizira razvoj jugoslavenskih vizija u Slovenaca u periodu od početka 1918. do 1. prosinca iste godine, kada je stvorena Kraljevina Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca (Kraljevina SHS). To je, ...naime, razdoblje u kojem se Slovenska pučka stranka (SLS) postupno odriče koncepta Svibanjske deklaracije i uključivanja slovenskih teritorija u južnoslavensku jedinicu unutar Habsburške Monarhije, a potom prihvaća i koncept sjedinjenja sa Srbijom. Unatoč naizgled kohezivnom djelovanju Slovenaca, posebice onim između dominantnih struja slovenskih konzervativaca i liberala, različite su polove slovenske političke scene ipak razdvajale značajne ideološke razlike, koje su se reflektirale i na temeljne geopolitičke parametre zamišljene države. Pored toga su i unutar pojedinih struja postojali pojedinci ili stranački disidenti koji su razvijali alternativne jugoslavenske vizije, a ovaj članak prikazuje dvije od njih, ideju Ivana Šusteršiča i viziju Dragotina Gustinčiča. Autor pritom identificira njihove razlike u odnosu prema zahtjevima iz Svibanjske deklaracije te na kraju prikazuje okolnosti koje su presudno utjecale na način slovenskog sudjelovanja u kreiranju Kraljevine SHS.
Rad analizira ciljeve i taktike slovenskih političkih grupacija od Prvoprosinačkoga akta 1918. do izbora za Konstituantu u studenom 1920. Iako su na vanjskopolitičkom planu ciljevi slovenskih ...stranaka bili slični, a na unutarnjem su planu sve političke snage pretendirale na sudjelovanje u vlasti, proučavani period obilježili su brojni unutarstranački rascjepi. U Slovenskoj narodnoj stranci vladala je podjela na kritičare velikosrpske politike i oportuniste koji su pokušavali pripremiti poslijeizbornu koaliciju sa srpskim radikalima (Narodna radikalna stranka). Stranka je zahvaljujući ambiciji očuvanja kako statusa najjače slovenske političke opcije tako i koalicijskoga potencijala za participaciju u vlasti, što je nudilo bolju perspektivu za postizanje vanjskopolitičkih ciljeva, ipak uspjela sačuvati organizacijsku cjelovitost. Istovremeno su se slovenski liberali, koji su za razliku od većine konzervativaca iskreno raširenih ruku dočekali Kraljevinu Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca, fragmentirali na više stranaka. Tome je doprinijelo očekivanje da će se na slovenskim područjima, uslijed uključivanja u južnoslavensku državu, povećati manevarski prostor za jugoslavensko-unitarističke političke snage, stoga je dio liberala krenuo u osvajanje rubnih segmenata biračkoga tijela koje je prije pripadalo konzervativcima. Prosječni slovenski birač, međutim, nije bio sklon unitarizmu te je najbolji izborni rezultat ostvarila liberalna opcija koja je u predizborno vrijeme naglašavala slovensku autonomiju. Relativno dobar rezultat postiže socijaldemokratski pol, unutar kojega također dolazi do rascjepa. Dok su se reformisti u kritikama usmjeravali direktno na slovensku političku konkurenciju, komunisti se odcjepljuju i odlučuju za radikalniji nastup prema Srbiji. Slovensku narodnu stranku kritiziraju tek implicitno, štoviše preuzimaju i dio njezina predratnoga programa i time bez većega izravnog sukoba ulaze upravo u njezino biračko tijelo.
The paper investigates the objectives and strategies of Slovenian political groups during the period spanning from the
December 1 Act
of 1918 to the elections for the Constituent Assembly in November 1920. Despite shared external political goals among the Slovenian parties and their common ambition to participate in government on the domestic front, this period witnessed numerous internal divisions. Within the Slovenian National Party (Slovenska ljudska stranka – SLS), a rift emerged between critics of Greater Serbian policies and opportunists aiming for a post-election coalition with Serbian radicals (Narodna radikalna stranka). Despite the ambition of both preserving the status of the strongest Slovenian political option and using the coalition potential for government participation, which offered a better perspective for achieving foreign policy objectives, the party successfully preserved its organizational integrity. Simultaneously, the Slovenian liberals, who welcomed the Kingdom of SCS with enthusiasm unlike the majority of conservatives, experienced fragmentation into several parties. This was fuelled by the expectation that Slovenian inclusion in the South Slavic state would create more manoeuvring room in Slovenian territory for Yugoslav unitary political forces. Consequently, some liberals sought to capture the marginal segments of the electorate traditionally aligned with the conservatives. The average Slovenian voter, however, showed a reluctance towards unitarism, and the best electoral result was achieved by the liberal faction emphasizing Slovenian autonomy during the pre-election period. The social democratic pole achieved a relatively good result, even as it experienced internal division. Reformists directed their criticism at their Slovenian political competitors, while communists adopted a more radical approach towards Serbia. They criticized the SLS only implicitly and even absorbed segments of its pre-war program, penetrating its electorate without major direct conflict.
This research aims to disclose how the influence of different stakeholder groups is reflected in the organizational performance of nonprofit sport clubs. ANOVA, principal component analysis and ...correlation analysis were employed on data from 73 South-Eastern European basketball clubs. The results show that private sponsors' involvement positively correlates with the clubs' top sport achievements and financial results. In contrast, the interference of volunteers, the local community, the state and municipal authorities in club activities positively correlates with the accomplishment of local-community-oriented goals and nonfinancial objectives. The implications offer empirical support in those countries where sport clubs still operate as nonprofits for altering policy to ensure that the providers of public funds become more active in terms of monitoring the effects of their donations and sponsorships or for stimulating policymakers to think about changing the legislative framework to encourage top sport clubs to transform into profit-oriented organizations.
Autor analizira stavove slovenskih katoličko-narodnjačkih i liberalnih časopisa glede državnopravnih pitanja u razdoblju od Sarajevskoga atentata 1914. do zagrebačkoga sastanka u ožujku 1918. ...Katoličko-narodnjačka Slovenska pučka stranka početkom rata zauzela je snažan protusrpski stav. Dok je na vanjskopolitičkom planu dio stranke zazivao vojno kažnjavanje Srbije, na unutarnjem stranka unisono zastupa ideju hrvatsko-slovenske državne jedinice unutar Habsburške Monarhije. Slovenski su liberali na drugoj strani, unatoč osudi čina atentata, osuđivali protusrpske demonstracije te pritom naglašavali odgovornost austrougarske politike za eskalaciju rata. Uslijed širih makrogeopolitičkih događaja, prije svega povećanja vjerojatnosti Antantine pobjede, koja je povećavala strah pred implementacijom Londonskoga ugovora, te činjenice da su velikonjemački austrijski krugovi iskoristili rat protiv Srbije za širu protu(jugo)slavensku kampanju u kojoj se svaka emancipacijska težnja Slovenaca i Hrvata prikazivala kao protudržavni element, slovenski katolički narodnjaci mijenjaju strategiju. Nakon uviđanja da ni iskazivanje najsnažnijih proaustrijskih emocija te ulaganje iznimno velikih napora u predočavanje razlike između slovensko-hrvatske trijalističke vizije i velikosrpskoga koncepta neće uroditi plodom, slovenski su katolički narodnjaci krenuli putem okrupnjavanja vlastitoga političkog legitimiteta preko zauzimanja vodećih pozicija u zastupničkim tijelima austrougarskih Južnih Slavena. Budući da je za to bila potrebna i suradnja sa slovenskim liberalima te austrougarskim Srbima, taj je obrat implicirao i prihvaćanje širega južnoslavenskoga koncepta.
The author analyzes the views of Slovenian Catholic populist and liberal magazines regarding Slovenian and South Slavic statehood issues in the period from the assassination in Sarajevo in 1914 to the meeting in Zagreb in March 1918. At the beginning of the war, the Slovenian People's Party (SLS) took a strong anti-Serbian position and even called for military intervention in Serbia. At the same time, the party unanimously advocated the idea of a Slovene-Croatian state unit within the Habsburg Monarchy as the key political goal. Slovenian liberals, on the other hand, despite condemning the act of assassination, criticized the anti-Serbian demonstrations and emphasized the responsibility of Austro-Hungarian policy for the escalation of the war. As a result of wider macro-geopolitical events, foremost the increased probability of the Entente's victory, which implied the possibility of the implementation of the London Pact, as well as the use by Great German circles in Austria of the war against Serbia for a wider anti-(South) Slavic campaign in which every Slovenian and/or Croatian emancipatory aspiration was portrayed as an anti-state element, Slovenian Catholic populists changed their political direction. After realizing that even expressing the strongest pro-Austrian emotions and investing very great efforts in presenting the difference between the Slovenian-Croatian trialist vision and the Greater Serbian concept would not bear fruit, the SLS decided to change its strategy and to consolidate its own political legitimacy by attaining leading positions in the representative bodies of the Austro-Hungarian South Slavs. Since this required collaboration with Slovenian liberals and Austro-Hungarian Serbs, it also implied the acceptance of a broader South Slavic concept.
This article aims to present the motives of the geopolitical restructuring of South-East Europe at the end of World War II with an emphasis on relations between Yugoslavia and Bulgaria. In this ...context, the author first identifies the interwar interests of four involved parties, namely: the Yugoslav and Bulgarian communist leaderships, and the political representatives of the Soviet Union and the United Kingdom. In the second part, the author describes the development of the idea of Yugoslav-Bulgarian integration after the War, first during the period of rapprochement between two communist parties, and then in the period of the Cominform crisis and the dramatic turnaround in their relations. Besides different macro-geopolitical visions, the author also identifies significant differences in motives at the micro-geopolitical level. Contrary to the proclaimed idea of the 'South Slavic Brotherhood', the Communist Party of Yugoslavia perceived the idea foremost as a maneuvering tool in its relations with the UK and the Soviets, while the Bulgarian Communist Party used the (con)federal idea for pursuing multi-layered interests. It was primarily a part of the strategy for resolving the Macedonian question, but the alliance with Yugoslavia was also a tool for protecting Bulgarian territories in the relations with Greece, and consequently leverage for strengthening the internal position of Bulgarian communists in the post-war consolidation process.
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