The paper presents various collective instruments used in the labelling, certification and branding of cheeses in the southeastern Alps of Slovenia and Italy. Based on long term ethnography it ...discusses four case studies of Montasio, Bovec, Tolminc, and Mohant cheeses, that were awarded protected designation of origin at European Union level. The impact of geographical indications on the local dairy chains is compared to other instruments, ranging from top-down European and national quality schemes and inventories of traditional agricultural products and heritage, to grass-root initiatives such as Slow Food instruments and local brands. The study finds substantial difference in the use and impact of geographical indications in Italy and Slovenia, as well as several ambiguous and dissonant effects in all the identified instruments.
This article presents a theoretical and conceptual introduction to the special issue dedicated to branding, labelling and certification. The authors present the connections of these qualification ...instruments with regional development, multiscalarity, and actor networks from a geographical and anthropological perspective. The special issue contributes to a better understanding of the interferences and interconnections of various accompanying processes associated with branding, labelling, and certification, such as actors' practises and relationships, social power relations, alternative marketing strategies, long-term impacts on ethical values, and emotional concern.
This paper focuses on the history and the present state of dairying in the mountain pastures in the Eastern Alps and examines different recent measures for the certification of authenticity that aim ...to link traditional knowledge with sustainable development. Findings in this article are based on the intensive participant observation during the grazing seasons of 1998 and 1999, and on continuous sporadic fieldwork in different alps and conversations with different stakeholders up until today. The interpretation of these findings is based on and compared to the findings of Cristina Grasseni (2011) in the Italian North-Western Alps and of Sarah May (2014) in the German Alps.
Cultural and natural elements contribute to the development of rural areas. Identifying and evaluating development aspects and the interconnection of cultural values and local stakeholders are key to ...managing cultural values. This article defines cultural values with development potential by studying the relevant research literature and legislation, carrying out field studies in the Idrija countryside, and using an online questionnaire to evaluate development aspects.
Alojz Kocjancic6 in his poems »Kubejskim Savrinkam« To the Savrinkas of Kubed and »Materi« To mother, published in his collection Savrinske pesmi described Savrinkas as mothers who sacrifice ...themselves for their children. Sabina Mihelj established that the metaphor of a Savrinka is used in this sense as a figure of national/regional history or as its antithesis. Similarly to the way that the metaphor of the family offers a convenient developmental story for Slovenian national history, but is in fact devoid of historical significance and removed from the levers of power, the figure of the mother is equated with Istria (cf. the poem »Istra - mati« Istria - mother), and the poet is her son (Mihelj 2006: 372). The equating of Savrinkas, Istrian women, and mothers can also be seen in the name of the imposing statue in Hrastovlje, the work of sculptor and painter Joze Pohlen, which upon its ceremonious installation in 1990 was called Istranka (Istrian woman), but was already referred to by the locals as Savrinka during the time we were doing our fieldwork. Kocjancic's emphasis of the motherly element is no coincidence, as his mother actually was involved in trading between Kubed, central Istria, and Trst. The point is that it was not just not-yet-wed girls and widows who were involved in trading in the higher-lying northeastern parts of Istria (Borut Brumen 2000; Ravni k 1996: 82-83), but also married women, who with the help of their female relatives balanced their intimate family lives with their profitable activities. The writer Marjan Tomsic, in addition to the motherly and wifely images of Savrinkas, also emphasised their autonomy and active role in (public) life (Tomsic 1986). Contrary to the general beliefs and findings of various researchers who divided male and female roles along active/passive and/ or public/private lines,7 in Tomsic's writings Savrinkas are presented as self-reliant, independent, and active individuals whose role as breadwinners was never negligible (Ledinek and Rogelja 2000: 90; Mihelj 2006: 371-372). In parallel with Tomsic, in addition to Marija France, Savrinkas, and Savrinija are also mentioned by Rafael Vidali in his collection of poems Cubejske zrjavce Coals of Kubed 1989 and Edelman Jurincic in his prose collection Istrani Istrians 1991. All three of these writers are considered Tomsic's students, who collectively fleshed out and constructed the figure of the Savrinka as it began to be consolidated towards the end of the twentieth century.8 It seems that the »literarized« image of Savrinkas in the 1980s and 1990s, during the time of the fall of Yugoslavia, was an apposite and sufficiently attrac- tive image for the Savrinization of Istria and the discovery of the Savrinian identity (Baskar 2002a), which more than the national division of Slovene from Croatian Istrians (Brumen 2000) or the Istrian countryside from the coastal towns (Baskar 2002a: 130) was preserved and consolidated in the twenty-first century in searching for local specialities, authenticity and fasadism (Orbaslí 2000) for the needs of tourism and tourism-related events (Dean MacCannell 1976, 1992). Some researchers of the Savrinization of Istria lean towards the thesis that the geographical and political reduction of Savrinkas to egg-sellers from the southeastern part of Istria is primarily the result of the effect of the writers and artists who created an attractive image of Savrinkas, which grew into a symbol that became the basis for initiating the process of the discovery of the Savrinian identity at the end of the twentieth century. Bojan Baskar, for instance, believes that the Kubed-Graèisèe- Hrastovlje redefinition of Savrinkas is not a purely literary or fictional invention (Baskar 2002a: 127), despite the fact that his explanation is based on an analysis of literary and geographic production. The ethnography attests that in addition to literary production, the actual material culture was also crucial to such reduction, as the pedlars who worked in central Istria and in a certain period actually did trade primarily in eggs (as well as other items at that time and later), encountered the specific use of the ethnic label »Savrini« (Savrinians) at that very location. In contrast with the milkmaids, bread sellers, and other (re)sellers, who did not collect their goods in central Istria but were tied solely to the coastal towns, the travelling saleswomen from Graèisèe, Kubed, and the surrounding villages had contacts with the inhabitants of central Istria, who called them Savrinkas because, as they said, they were from »Savrinija«. The long and arduous journey on foot - in the case of Marija Franca over a 125-kilometer long circular route between Istria and Trst-was a material fact on which the image of the courageous, long-suffering and heroic Savrinka was based. While Alois Spinèiæ , the author of an entry on Savrinkas in volume 9 of Avstro-Ogrske monarhije v besedi in sliki The Austro-Hungarian Empire in words and pictures 1891: 215, and Simon Rutar, the author of the book Samosvoje mesto Trst in mejna grofija Istra The independent city of Trst and the border county of Istria 1896: 175, did not emphasise mobility and trade between Istria and Trst at the end of the nineteenth century, it seems that mobility on foot and contacts with customers in central Istria were precisely the crucial elements in the formation of the image of Savrinkas in the second half of the twentieth century.
Alojz Kocjancic5 je v pesmih Kubejskim Savrinkam in Materi, objavljenih v zbirki Savrinske pesmi, Savrinke opisal kot matere, ki se zrtvujejo za svoje otroke (Kocjancic 1962). Sabina Mihelj je ...ugotovila, da je metafora Savrinke pri tem rabljena kot figura nacionalne/regionalne zgodovine oz. kot njena antiteza. Tako kakor nudi metafora druzine prikladno razvojno pripoved za nacionalno zgodovino, dejansko pa je izpraznjena zgodovinskega pomena in locena od vzvodov moci, tako je tudi lik matere izenacen z Istro (prim. pesem Istra - mati), pesnik pa je njen sin. (Mihelj 2006: 372) Enacenje Savrinke, Istranke in matere je razberljivo tudi iz poimenovanja mogocnega kipa v Hrastovljah, delo kiparja in slikarja Jozeta Pohlena, ki se je ob slovesni postavitvi leta 1990 imenoval Istranka in je bil v casu terenske raziskave avtoric prispevka v ljudski govorici ze poimenovan za Savrinko. Poudarjanje materinskega elementa pri Alojzu Kocjancicu ni slucajno, saj se je njegova mati res ukvarjala s preprodajo med Kubedom, osrednjo Istro in Trstom. S preprodajo v severovzhodnem in visje lezecem delu Istre se namrec niso ukvarjala zgolj dekleta pred mozitvijo oz. vdove (Brumen2 000; Ravni k 1996: 82-83), marvec tudi porocene zenske, ki so s pomocjo sorodnic usklajevale intimno druzinsko zivljenje s pridobitno dejavnostjo. Pisatelj Marjan Tomsic je poleg materinske in zenstvene podobe Savrinke poudaril tudi njeno avtonomnost in aktivno vlogo v (javnem) zivljenju (Tomsic 1986). V na- sprotju s splosnim prepricanjem in ugotovitvami nekaterih raziskovalcev, ki so moske in zenske druzbene vloge delili po analogiji aktivno-pasivno oz. javno-zasebno,6 je v literaturi Marjana Tomsica Savrinka izpostavljena kot samozadostna, samostojna in aktivna posameznica, katere pridobitna vloga nikakor ni bila zanemarljiva (Ledinek in Rogelja 2000: 90; Mihelj 2006: 371-372). Vzporedno z Marjanom Tomsicem sta poleg Marije France Savrinke in Savrinijo omenjala se Rafael Vidali v pesniski zbirki Cubejske zrjavce (1989) in Edelman Jurincic v zbirki proze Istrani (1991). Vse tri omenjene pisce lahko stejemo za Tomsiceve »ucence«, ki so skupaj dopolnjevali in gradili lik Savrinke, kakrsen se je zacel utrjevati ob koncu 20. stoletja. 7 Zdi se, da je bila prav literarizirana podoba Savrinke v 80. in 90. letih prejsnjega stoletja, v casu razpada Jugoslavije, primerna in dovolj mikavna podoba za savrinizacijo Istre oz. iznajdbo savrinske identitete (Bojan Baskar 2002a), ki se je bolj kot za nacionalno razlocevanje slovenskih od hrvaskih Istranov (Brumen 2000) ali istrskega podezelja od obalnih mest (Baskar 2002a: 130) v 21. stoletje ohranila in utrdila v iskanju lokalnih tipicnosti, avtenticnosti in fasaderstva (Orbaslí 2000), za potrebe turizma in s turizmom povezanih prireditev (MacCannell 1976; 1992). Potrebno je izpostaviti, da v procesu oblikovanja lika Savrinke posamezniki niso bili zgolj pasivni prejemniki podob, ampak so imeli (in imajo) aktivno vlogo v oblikovanju le-teh. Proces regionalizacije ni zgolj invencija, odkrivanje, prebujanje oz. reapropriacija identitete (Baskar 2002a: 115) v smislu promocije oz. popularizacije savrinske identitete s strani lokalnih in zunanjih umetnisko-kulturnih promotorjev ter specificnih politicnih okoliscin v 90. letih 20. stoletja (Brumen 2000), ampak deluje proces savrinizacije obojestransko, tako »od zgoraj«, kot »od spodaj«; skozi materialne okoliscine in prizorisca ter interakcije posameznikov na prizoriscu. Savrinska identiteta se je oblikovala skozi interakcije oz. aktivnosti posameznikov; konkretno skozi preprodajo, tihotapljenje, pesacenje in poznavanje poti med Istro in Trstom, pripovedovanje, spominjanje ter sele zatem skozi zapisovanje pripovedi in spominov. Identifikacije so namrec fluidne in spremenljive (Drummond 1980) ter se (re)organizirajo glede na spremenljiva, pogosto kaoticna razmerja med materialnimi okoliscinami, interakcijami in podobami. Proces regionalizacije in nacionalizacije v Istri ter oblikovanje podobe Savrinke pri tem ni izjema.8 Savrinizacija dela Istre, je bila, kot je zapisal Borut Brumen, v 90. letih 20. stoletja proces slovenizacije oz. nacionalizacije novopecene slovenske Istre (Brumen 2002: 404), pozneje pa je bila bolj v povezavi z afirmacijo podezelske identitete v opoziciji z obalnimi mesti (Baskar 2002a: 130). Dandanes se zdi, da gre proces savrinizacije v smeri fasaderstva9 turisticne ponudbe ter da je nacionalno in ruralno-urbano razlocevanje zasenceno z romantiziranimi podobami stvarnih materialnih okoliscin iz zivljenja preprodajalk. Savrini in Savrinija so pri tem vnovic potisnjeni v ozadje, izstopa predvsem Savrinka, tokrat v vlogi avtenticnega lika. Nedavno je Turisticna razvojna agencija Autentica iz Kopra v sodelovanju s pisateljem Marjanom Tomsicem oblikovala poseben izletniski program »po poteh Savrink«, kjer se je, kot pravi avtor clanka v Primorskih novicah, »na poseben nacin poklonila liku Savrinke« (31. 3. 2011, 65/66, 9). V obalnih mestih Slovenije je moc kupiti skulpture glinenih Savrink, lutke Savrinke ter razglednice s fotomontazo prizora z nekdanje trgovske poti, ki sicer navajajo, da je Savrinka lik iz specificnega podezelskega okolja severovzhodne Istre, obenem in bolj izrazito pa delujejo kot nadregionalna10 podoba nostalgicnega iskanja izgubljenega casa in avtenticnega zivljenja, znacilnega za miticno rekonstrukcijo obcutja tradici- je, izkoreninjene zavoljo globalizacije (Selwyn 1996: 2). Gre za iskanje avtenticnosti, kot jo je, aplicirano na turisticno situacijo, teoretiziral ameriski sociolog Dean MacCannell (1976; 1992)11 ali zgolj za igranje s podobami v postmodernem svetu, kot je turisticne spektakle opisal John Urry (1990).
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