This article seeks to explore the relationship between populism, 21st-century socialism, and the emergence of what has been referred to as an ‘estado delincuente’ (criminal state), in the case of ...Venezuela. That is, a state structure permeated with transnational organized crime mafias in the executive and the judiciary, in the financial system, the prosecutor’s office, the police, the armed forces, the prison system, state-owned companies, governorships, and city councils, among other state institutions. First, I review conceptual aspects of populism to understand how this served as the basis for creating the postulates of 21st-century socialism, which promoted the institutional destruction of Venezuelan democracy and created the conditions for the unbridled dissemination of state corruption. Second, emblematic cases of white-collar and blood crimes, nepotism and other corrupt activities are discussed to provide an idea of the magnitude of the issues that permeate the state apparatus. To conclude, I provide a critical summary of the consequences of this way of doing politics in contemporary Venezuela.
27 February 1989 saw a popular revolt, which was to escalate dramatically, break out in Venezuela. Both Caracas and most of the main and secondary cities of the country were the scene of barricades, ...road closures, the stoning of shops, shooting and widespread looting. This article describes the events occurring during the Caracazo or Sacudón, as the episode is known, in order to show the key role played by the weakness of a set of social and political institutions in the violent forms of collective action that prevailed. This data, on a comparative basis, may enrich our understanding of other similar uprisings in the region and worldwide.
From the protesters in Cairo's Tahrir Square to the Tea Party in the United States to the campaign to elect indigenous leader Evo Morales in Bolivia, modern populist movements command international ...attention and compel political and social change. When citizens demand "power to the people," they evoke corrupt politicians, imperialists, or oligarchies that have appropriated power from its legitimate owners. These stereotypical narratives belie the vague and often contradictory definitions of the concept of "the people" and the many motives of those who use populism as a political tool.
InThe Promise and Perils of Populism, Carlos de la Torre assembles a group of international scholars to explore the ambiguous meanings and profound implications of grassroots movements across the globe. These trenchant essays explore how fragile political institutions allow populists to achieve power, while strong institutions confine them to the margins of political systems. Their comparative case studies illuminate how Latin American, African, and Thai populists have sought to empower marginalized groups of people, while similar groups in Australia, Europe, and the United States often exclude people whom they consider to possess different cultural values. While analyzing insurrections in Latin America, advocacy groups in the United States, Europe, and Australia, and populist parties in Asia and Africa, the contributors also pose questions and agendas for further research.
This volume on contemporary populism from a comparative perspective could not be more timely, and scholars from a variety of disciplines will find it an invaluable contribution to the literature.
The political crisis developing in Venezuela is marked by extensive political imbalances. These result from the dismantling of the liberal democratic institutions established in the Constitution of ...the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela (CRBV) and their being replaced with a new state of direct democracy during the second term of Pres Hugo Chavez. The new emerging regime has characteristics of authoritarian populism. The CRBV state has been replaced by a non-liberal communal state. Chavez represents an emblematic case of Latin American populism. Without doubt a charismatic leader, he built a successful direct relationship with his followers via diverse mechanisms that partially explain not only the popularity he enjoyed until his death, but also the current institutional deterioration. Government management in the Chavez era has not been characterized by a stable development of institutions and routines. On the contrary, the revolutionary atmosphere introduces a logic of improvisation, provisional measures, and emergency operatives that has increased inefficiency. Adapted from the source document.
Popular mobilization is addressed. Traditionally portrayed as stable & less prone to political & social upheaval, Venezuela was assumed to lack a tradition of street protests. This perception changed ...sharply with the 1988 Amparo massacre & events surrounding what is known as the Caracazo of February 1989; civil unrest & brutal suppression by the armed forces. Following the human rights violations & murders, a non-governmental human rights organization called Provea collected data which serves to demonstrate socio-political demonstrations. This, together with a database created by the Central University of Venezuela, the BDEBP, offers extensive information pertaining to social protest since 1958 & after the Caracazo. Evidence of a tradition of protest exists, notably with regard to profound socioeconomic concerns as opposed to purely trade-unionist & state conflicts. 7 Tables, 10 References. S. de Haast
En diciembre de 1998, con el triunfo electoral de Hugo Chávez Frías y su alianza, el Polo Patriótico, comenzó en Venezuela un proceso de cambios que dura hasta hoy y se inició también en América ...latina, lo que algunos denominan el giro a la izquierda de la región. Chávez se impuso durante la campaña presidencial mediante un fuerte discurso polarizador y anti-neoliberal, que prometió desplazar defnitivamente a las elites políticas, que dominaban el Estado desde hacía décadas, acabar con la corrupción administrativa y encontrar a través de una democracia participativa, un nuevo modelo económico y político para el país. En este artículo pasamos revista a las gestiones gubernamentales de Hugo Chávez hasta hoy distinguiendo dos períodos de características diferenciadas: su primer gobierno orientado por la democracia participativa y protagónica; y el segundo período actualmente en curso, orientado por un proyecto denominado Socialismo del siglo XXI.
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