V casu, ko je etnicnost zacela delovati kot organizatoricni princip, se je vzpostavila tudi locnica med »slovenskimi« in »furlanskimi« oz. »italijanskimi tradicijami« in sirso kulturo. Niso dejanske, ...»objektivne« razlike tiste, ki so odlocilne za pripadnost neki etnicni skupini, pac pa druzbeno relevantni dejavniki. Ni pomembno, kako so si razlicni predstavniki neke skupine, ce se oznacijo za A, v nasprotju s skupino B, so pripravljeni biti sprejeti in razumljeni kot A-ji in ne B-ji, in opredeljujejo svojo zvestobo delezeni (shared) kulturi A-jev (prim. Frederik Barth 1969: 15). Ker je v obnebju poudarjene etnicnosti etnicna meja tista, ki definira skupino, ne pa sami kulturni elementi, ki jih vsebuje (prim. Barth 1969: 15), je razumljivo, da so se zbiralci in raziskovalci ljudskih pesmi v Brdih osredotocali na zbiranje slovenskih pesmi, italijanskih in furlanskih pesmi, ki so jih morda slisali, pa niso zapisali. O prisotnosti petja neslovenskih pesmi tako izvemo zgolj iz porocil in opisov, npr. iz pisma Josipa Tominska, ki ga je leta 1911 poslal Odboru za nabiranje slovenskih narodnih pesmi v okviru vseavstrijske akcije Das Volkslied in Österreich (Narodna pesem v Avstriji) in v katerem opisuje prizadevanja, da bi pridobil zbiratelje ljudskih pesmi: »Zacetek je storjen, vendar nedostaje primernih moci, pa tudi bira domacih pesmi sploh ne obeta posebno mnogo, ker ljudstvo manj poje nego na Kranjskem in Stajerskem ter se vrh tega zelo oklepa nedomacih pesmi« (Murko 1929: 42). »Nedomacim « pesmim se slovenski zapisovalci v tej akciji vecinoma niso posvetili, ceprav so bila v izdanih Navodilih in vprasanjih, ki naj bi usmerjala delo zapisovalcev na terenu, neslovenskim pesmim namenjena posebna vprasanja. Selekcija zapisa pesmi tako postane pomemben element konstruiranja podobe tradicije, saj »taksna podoba scasoma postane kanonizirana, v bolj ali manj verni obliki prehaja v medije, poljudne publikacije, solske ucbenike in postaja celo del uradne kulturne politike ter narodove kolektivne zavesti« (Mojca Kovacic 2009: 143). Folklora (v pomenu ljudske duhovne kulture in njenih prezentacijskih oblik) je pogosto percepirana kot zrcalo preteklosti, folkoristi pa kot varuhi kolektivne identitete (prim. Carol Silverman 1989). Njihove interpretacije preteklosti se zrcalijo v oblikovanem kanonu ljudskih pesmi, ki je podobno kot nacionalna literatura razumljen kot posoda kulturnega spomina in sredstvo reprezentacije (ter celo dejavnik v procesu konstrukcije) nacionalne identitete. Vendar pa ze sam pojem kanona napotuje na premislek o dejavnikih reprezentacije in zastopnistva, o razlicnih interesih in strategijah (prim. Juvan 2011), ki vodijo do tega, da je dolocen korpus tekstov izbran in prezentiran kot (nacionalno) pomemben. Omenjeni procesi oblikovanja kanona in sama konstrukcija fenomena ljudske pesmi imajo svoje izvore v obnebju narodnoidentitetnih gibanj in kulturnega nacionalizma, ki se je siril po Evropi in pomembno vplival tudi na dogajanje na Slovenskem. Narodnoidentitetna gibanja so se namrec v veliki meri naslanjala na lokalne oblike kulture; po Miroslavu Hrochu (npr. 1968; 2000 idr.) zanimanje za vprasanja kulture ni bilo samo odsev politicnega aktivizma, pac pa se je navadno intenziviralo pred tem. Ta preokupacija z vprasanji kulture, znacilna za fazo A Hrochove opredelitve narodnoidentitetnih gibanj, je omogocila, da se je etnicna skupina lahko zacela samorazumevati kot politicni subjekt. Temu so sledile, po Hrochu, druzbene zahteve faze B in mnozicni odziv faze C, ki je predpostavljal siroko kulturno ozavescenost (Leerssen 2005: 9). Ali kakor je Hrochov model povzel Anthony D. Smith (1998: 56): »Najprej je majhen krog intelektualcev ponovno odkril »nacionalno « kulturo in zgodovino in oblikoval idejo o narodu (faza A). Nato je sledil kljucni proces diseminacije narodne ideje, ki so jo izvedli politicni agitatorji v rastocih mestih (faza B). Nazadnje je sledilo mnozicno gibanje (faza C)« (Leerssen 2005: 10). Ta kulturna ozavescenost je zadevala tako vprasanje jezika kot tradicij, na osnovi katerih so bile utemeljene politicne zahteve za avtonomne pravice etnicnih skupin. V etnicno mesanih ali mejnih podrocjih je to vodilo do tekmujocih in nasprotujocih si teritorialno avtonomisticnih zahtev (prim. Leerssen 2005: 16-17), kar je vidno tudi na primeru oblikovanja ljudske pesemske podobe Goriskih brd. Oblikovanje koncepta tradicije in folklore je bilo tako tesno povezano z idejo in izkusnjo modernosti. Koncepta imata svoje korenine v modernem zanimanju za objektifikacijo preteklosti in »ne-modernega« ter v dokumentiranju in ohranjanju dolocenih tipov komunikacije, odkritih v tej kulturni drugacnosti (Antonnen 2005: 13). Pri tem pa ni bilo jasno definirano, kdaj se je ta preteklost koncala (prim. Silverman 1989). Folkloristi so tako zbirali tradicionalne kulturne izraze med »ljudstvom « in jih prinesli v simbolicen center druzbe, v zgodovinske in etnografske institucije glavnih mest, ki so zasedale prominentna mesta v reprezentiranju narodove zgodovine in kulture (prim. Pertti J. Anttonen 2005: 88). Susan Steward (1991: 105) je to poimenovala artefaktualizacija ekspresivne kulture, ki iztrga tekst iz izvornega konteksta in favorizira dolocene zanre in vsebine (Bendix 1997: 48). S to artefaktualizacijo ekspresivne kulture (npr. pesmi in pripovedk) je bila s pomocjo retorike avtenticnosti posameznikova izkusnja prenesena in prevrscena v simbol naroda in njegove enotnosti (prim. Bendix 1997: 20); vendar pa ce »folklora pricuje za narod, pricuje za dolocen politicni konstrukt« (Anttonen 2005: 91). Folklora ne obstaja sama po sebi (per se), pac pa jo raziskovalec ustvari, ko dolocene kulturne izraze opredeli kot tradicionalne oz. folklorne (prim. Anttonen 2005: 57). Osnovo opredeljevanja je na Slovenskem predstavljal razlikovalni element, na podlagi cesar so bili definirani pozitivni pomeni dolocenih entitet. Tako so bile nekatere pesmi na podlagi izbranih kriterijev (anonimnosti avtorja, razsirjenosti, ustnega prenosa, variantnosti) in predvsem na razlikovanju od drugih (avtorskih, drugojezicnih, novih) oznacene kot ljudske pesmi. Prav to pa je ustvarjalo standardizacijo in izkljucitev stevilnih elementov, ki iz razlicnih razlogov niso bili sprejeti kot ljudski, ceprav so imeli pomembno mesto v zivljenju in pevskih praksah prebivalstva. Nastajajoca folkloristika je tako s transformacijo praks v izrocilo in z metonimizacijo tradicije v teku reprezentacij oblikovala »nacionalni kanon«, ki ga avtorizira »ljudstvo« in govori z glasom »naroda« (prim. Anttonen 2005: 88). Ta premisa herderjanskega nacionalizma, ki je pomembno vplival na oblikovanje folkloristike, vidi namrec narod utelesen (embodied) in uglasen (voiced) v tradicionalni kulturi, posebej v ljudskem pesnistvu (Anttonen 2005: 88). Ljudska pesem in sirse glasba sta tako presli od predstavljanja imanentnega jedra naroda k predstavljanju naroda samega (Philip V. Bohlman 2004: 86)
Članek prevprašuje presečišča folkloristike ter kritičnih dediščinskih študij, ki jih lahko folkloristke in folkloristi tvorno sooblikujejo. Izpostavljeno je dediščinjenje tistih folklornih ...fenomenov, katerih kontinuiteta je bila spodbujena s strokovnimi intervencijami. Na primeru vpisa metliških vuzemskih plesov in iger v Register nesnovne kulturne dediščine je prikazana vloga folkloristk in folkloristov tako pri raziskavah samega historičnega fenomena kot tudi v sodobnih dediščinskih postopkih.
The book describes the role of singing and (folk) songs in the Gorizia Hills (Goriška brda) within the processes of shaping the political nation and facilitating national identification in the second ...half of the nineteenth century. In addition to the use of the Slovene language at school and church and defining Slovene as the language of common use in censuses, national activists encouraged inhabitants to express identification with the singing of Slovene “folk” songs. Therefore they promoted the performances of choirs and tried to sweep-out the singing of non-Slovene songs - especially Friulian and Italian. The singing outside the reading and singing societies was influenced by the way of life, which was strongly marked by the system of tenant farming. The book also presents the research of folk songs in the Gorizia Hills, with special emphasis on short songs with strong dialect features, which in everyday life of the inhabitants complemented the repertoire of folk and religious songs known in the wider Slovenian territory.
The baseline survey on multilingual and transdisciplinary urban arts education is the result of the first part of the UrbArt project, which supports low-skilled adults in marginalized communities ...with urban arts activities and educational approaches. The aim of the baseline survey was to identify national and transnational needs and challenges related to marginalization in culture and education, as well as performance indicators for urban arts education, taking into account the concepts of transdisciplinarity and multilingualism. Five partner countries from Austria, Iceland, Portugal, Slovenia and the United Kingdom participated in the study. The survey involved people working as education providers or arts workshops in the areas covered by the project and asked them to share their experiences, describe their needs and challenges, and identify problems they face in their work with deprivileged or marginalized people or communities. Questionnaires, interviews and focus groups based on the same starting points formed the methodological basis. The publication presents the processes and outcomes of the work, concludes with key findings at European level and makes recommendations for the potential of social access and empowerment of deprivileged and marginalized adult individuals and communities through urban arts education.
At the time when ethnicity began to function as an organizing principle, the distinction between »Slovene«, and »Friulian« or »Italian« cultures and broader culture was foregrounded. The differences ...that determine belonging to a certain ethnic group are not vital and »objective«; the socially relevant factors are. It is unimportant how different members of some group are-if they say they are A, in contrast to another cognate category B, they are willing to be treated and let their own behavior be interpreted and judged as A's and not as B's; in other word, they declare their allegiance to the shared culture of A's (Frederik Barth 1969: 15). Since under the horizon of emphatic ethnicity the ethnic border defines the group, not the components of the culture themselves (Barth 1969: 15), it is understandable that collectors and researchers of folksongs in Goriska brda focused on collected Slovene, Italian, and Friulian songs that they probably heard did not write down. We find out about the singing of non-Slovene songs only from reports and descriptions-e.g., from a letter of Josip Tominsek, which he sent in 1911 to the Committee for Collecting Slovene Folksongs, part of the project Das Volkslied in Österreich. In it, he describes his efforts to get folksong collectors: »A start has been made, but there is not enough qualified help, and native song collecting is not at all promising, because people sing less than in Carniola and Styria, and on top of that they latch onto non-native songs« (Murko 1929: 42). For the most part, Slovene recorders in this project did not pay attention to »non-native« songs, although special questions were devoted to non-Slovene songs in the publication Navodila in vprasanja Guidelines and questions, which was to have directed the recorders' fieldwork. Thus the selection of a song recording becomes an important element in constructing the image of tradition, because »such an image gradually becomes canonized and in a more or less reliable form migrates into the media, popular publications, and school textbooks and even becomes a part of official cultural politics and the nation's collective consciousness« (Mojca Kovacic 2009: 143). Getting around to what I wanted to talk about before-I and every other Slovene that comes to this area must confess that here folk singing is neglected. Surely I'll get comments asking how I dare judge so harshly because after all the young men sing all night so that their singing echoes far and wide. It's true that they always shout and whoop, but the question now is what is this singing like and what do they sing? I'd like to clarify this a bit more. What do we hear when we listen to our young men sing? Perhaps a Slovene song, of which we have hundreds? Ah, no, they prefer a coarse Friulian or Italian song, which even the Friulians have already stopped using and thrown out of their houses, but which our people in the remote Goriska brda have carefully picked up and preserved as though it were a precious gem. And when they want to make it longer, they add a »holi-lai-la-la, la-la-liu-la-le-lie«, and so on, with every stanza ending with a »doi, a doi farin l' amor«, or even »evviva l'amor«. And so they keep singing even up until midnight. So you can never hear a Slovene song? Sure, when they make something up themselves and add a folk melody to the words. This kind of Slovene singing, if I may even call it so, does have its purpose, although I don't want to discuss it further. Perhaps some understand me well enough. This way, it is mainly Friulian or Italian songs that echo in the remote Gorizia Hills (they are especially common at folk dances). But I must draw attention to the fact that here in Slovrenc you can often hear Slovene songs such as »Zvedel sem nekaj novega« I Learned Something New, »Kje so moje rozice« Where are my Flowers?, and some others that I don't know well. I must grant them this. Otherwise Italian songs are also common in Slovrenc, and in fairly large numbers at that. (Soca, 18 June 1881) Opposition to singing non-Slovene songs was based on many factors. The first was the question of the linkage between ethnic identity and language: Slovene-language songs were the only ones suitable for the Slovene population because they were supposedly their own. Another factor was the question of modernity in opposition to tradition, with the past and its original Slovene »folk« song having an immeasurably higher status than the »newer« Friulian or Italian »tunes. Some writers also raise the appropriateness question: love songs-especially in Italian or Friulian-were inappropriate and immoral. Therefore by organizing singing activities they wanted Slovene singing to prevail in Goriska brda and to »drive out all of the Italian hooting fala-nor« (Soca, 2 September 1881). However, real life was a good deal more heterogeneous, and hybrid forms and practices appeared. Everyday normalcy, according to Ulrich Beck (1993: 912) is not found in either-or categories but is characterized by »and« (Tschofen 1999: 235). Along these lines, as an informant born in 1924 told it, in his childhood in the village of Golo Brdo, three languages had equal currency in public places: Italian in school, Friulian with children at the market, and Slovene in church. Marriages between Goriska brda men and Friulian women (or Goriska brda women and Friulian men) were not uncommon.7 The author posits the demands of Slovene songs as a reason that simple residents prefer singing »Italian« songs. From the contrasting evaluations of Slovene songs and Italian »yelping« we can conclude that Slovene songs are artistically superior, and so they require study and not just spontaneous transfer from generation to generation or mouth to mouth. Singing leaders therefore tried to spread Slovene »folk« choir songs among the residents in order to root out non-Slovene songs: thus, for example, one of the most a noted Goriska brda choir director and organist, Anton Simoniti »selflessly taught singing groups and fought against the influence of Friulian songs for over sixty years« (Rosana Kozlin 1995: 31). According to a Soca correspondent's reports, the singing leader J. Marinic »drove German yodeling from our community (Kozana -M. P.) and replaced it with Slovene singing, so that today you seldom hear German singing, whether in taverns or und beneath a leafy linden« (Soca, 11 January 1877).
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