Abstract
This article analyzes how and why contemporary Global South countries’ South–South cooperation (SSC) exhibits a convergence between normative and material interests. The normative approach ...underlines that SSC is driven by a country’s experience with colonialism and underdevelopment. SSC is perceived as a mechanism to alter the Global South’s asymmetrical relations with the dominant Global North. The material approach highlights the strategic values of SSC for Southern powers. Through SSC, Southern countries desire to improve their reputation, garner support from other South countries in international fora, and pursue their own broader economic agendas. By utilizing domestic politics analysis, Indonesia’s experience shows that a more pragmatic approach to SSC reflects a broader transformation of Indonesia’s domestic political configuration. While Indonesia’s early practices of SSC prefer normative over material interests, the country’s current policies display a convergence of its material and normative interests, which signifies the emergence of ‘interest-based Third World solidarity’.
Abstract
As energy consumption increases, adopting an energy transition policy has significantly intensified. The existing literature mainly argues that energy transition’s success entails ‘energy ...democracy’, which integrates social justice and economic equity with renewable transitions. Even though energy democracy has its merit in ensuring the energy transition, it ignores state capacity, especially in emerging economies where the state actors play a vital role in managing resources. By bringing state capacity into the discussion, this article offers a more comprehensive theoretical and empirical contribution to the current debate on energy transition in emerging economies like Indonesia. A country characterized by fragmented actors and competing interests in every arena of policies and level of governance. Therefore, in emerging economies, energy transition requires a ‘socio-technical capacity’ and ‘community engagement’—as proposed by energy-democracy theory—and the rigorous state’s capacity to make the transitions possible.
Stagnasi dalam perundingan perdagangan multilateral di World Trade Organization (WTO) pada dua dekade terakhir, mendorong munculnya inisiatif perundingan di tingkat regional atau bilateral. Indonesia ...termasuk negara yang aktif terlibat dalam berbagai inisiatif perundingan perdagangan tersebut. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mendiskusikan kesiapan Indonesia merespons perjanjian perdagangan internasional khususnys Indonesia - Australia Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (IA-CEPA) dan Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). Dengan memanfaatkan perspektif ‘ofensif’ dan ‘defensif’ dalam kebijakan perdagangan, kesiapan Indonesia akan dicermati dari dua sisi kepentingan. Kepentingan ofensif dilihat dari kesiapan untuk memanfaatkan peluang atas kemudahan akses pasar yang tersedia. Kepentingan defensif dianalisis dari kesiapan atas daya saing akibat dari konsekuensi perjanjian yang bersifat timbal balik. Tulisan ini berargumen bahwa pemerintah Indonesia masih kesulitan dalam menangkap peluang kepentingan ofensif karena akses pasar yang tersedia belum dimanfaatkan secara optimal. Besarnya potensi pasar domestik, menjadi salah satu penyebab ekspansi pasar global belum menjadi prioritas pelaku bisnis nasional. Sedangkan dari aspek kepentingan defensif, kemudahan masuknya produk asing perlu dipastikan tidak mematikan produsen dalam negeri akibat tidak memiliki daya saing, namun justru dapat dimaksimalkan agar menjadi pelengkap bagi rantai produksi domestik.
It must come as no surprise that traces of any continuing relevance of the 'Bandung spirit' are enthusiastically being sought in the wake of the sixtieth anniversary of the Asian-African Conference. ...It was the first high-profile formal conference of newly independent (or 'about-to-be independent') post-colonial states at a rather momentous historical conjuncture: the continuing struggles for decolonisation were pronounced in the context of the Cold War. The Final Communiqué of the Bandung conference strongly articulated a collective political project against colonialism and imperialism, and for self-determination and racial equality, while already laying the foundations for the idea of strategic non-alignment in the context of the Cold War. It is in this sense that the Bandung conference has come to be emblematic of an event that inaugurated a radically different international political landscape to the immediate post-1945 world order. In this article, the authors focus specifically on the development aspirations articulated at the Asian-African Conference in Bandung, which they argue are the site of struggles and contradictions. As the authors show, the 'Bandung spirit' underlined the political project of Third Worldism, as well as the call for a new international economic order in the 1970s. Yet, they also identify some constraints and contradictions that the 'Bandung spirit' had to navigate and the challenges it was up against. In the final part of the article, the authors briefly discuss the extent to which the 'Bandung spirit' continues to resonate in contemporary global politics of development.
This research examines training by Indonesia as a form of international assistance and cooperation in Africa. As a new emerging donor, Indonesia wants to assist other countries by formulating ...mutually beneficial relations among developing countries and gaining a positive image. Indonesia combines training in the form of MRLs and agricultural training in Africa to meet the interests of domestic actors. Domestic politics analysis can explain the role of domestic actors in Indonesia's progress in the international community. This research uses a qualitative explanatory case study method with secondary data from literature studies—furthermore, categorization with Nvivo and theoretical triangulation analysis based on domestic politics analysis and international cooperation and aid. This research found great potential in Africa, which can benefit Indonesia's politics. This training responds to domestic actors' interests and as an expansion effort to expand Indonesian products used globally.
•Resource nationalism is growing despite the risks of reduced foreign investment.•Political bargain model explains the political economy of extractives.•Extractive political settlements elucidate the ...timing of resource nationalism outcomes.
Since the early 1990s, heavy state intervention in the extractives sector—or resource nationalism—has become more common in resource-rich lower income countries. This article considers what domestic and global conditions in the political economy of extractives account for the resurgence of resource nationalism in Indonesia despite the risks to foreign investment, including who benefits and how. We examine Indonesia's regulatory reforms and analyse the intersections between global and domestic dynamics that have resulted in Indonesia taking a majority ownership share of Freeport Indonesia. We contend that within long-durée Cycles of Resource Nationalism, the geospatial concentration of minerals in maturing industries has given more bargaining power to Indonesia vis-à-vis foreign investors. However, we argue the specific timing and scope of resource nationalism in Indonesia has been contingent on the conditions in particular sectors of the domestic political economy and the ways that foreign investors and the domestic elites have reconfigured their goals to be mutually compatible. In democratising contexts, resource nationalism provides a discursive rubric by which elites can garner support and legitimacy to reorganise the underlying ‘extractive’ political settlement, within which foreign investors can influence elite incentives but less so the deeper configuration of power relations.
Processes of norm localisation play a crucial role in shaping the extent to which global governance norms are institutionalised at national and sub‐national levels. This article explores the politics ...of norm localisation through an empirical investigation of how global norms of “transparency” were localised in sub‐national processes of extractive industry governance in Bojonegoro, Indonesia. Previous theories of localisation have emphasised “constructivist” dynamics through which patterns of norm localisation are shaped decisively by efforts to build normative or cognitive congruence with local ideas and identities. In contrast, the mix of a newly democratised environment, the persistent power of corporatist elite networks and a populist style of local politics prevailing in Bojonegoro have diminished the significance of such constructivist dynamics as a basis for explaining varied patterns of norm localisation. Instead, patterns of norm localisation have depended crucially on the capacity of local political leaders to harness global governance norms instrumentally as a basis for consolidating and strengthening their own local power base. These findings have important implications for both theoretical and practical understandings of how global norm localisation processes vary in response to the contrasting political contexts in which global governance norms targeting the extractive sector are implemented.
Voluntary supply chain regulation has proliferated in recent decades in response to concerns about the social and environmental impacts of global production and trade. Yet the capacity of supply ...chain regulation to influence production practices on the ground has been persistently questioned. Through empirical analysis of transnational regulatory interventions in the Indonesian tin sector-centered on a multi-stakeholder Tin Working Group established by prominent global electronics brands-this paper explores the challenges and limits of voluntary supply chain governance as it interacts with an entrenched 'extractive settlement' in Indonesia's major tin producing islands of Bangka and Belitung. Although the Tin Working Group has introduced localized initiatives to tackle issues such as worker safety and improved land rehabilitation, it has also contributed in diffuse and largely unintended ways to consolidating the power of political and economic elites who benefit from centralized control over resource extraction. In this sense, supply chain governance has generated 'hidden costs' through unintended effects on power struggles between competing social groups at national and sub-national levels-generating marginal benefits for ameliorating specific regulatory 'problems', while consolidating and reproducing barriers to deeper transitions towards inclusive or sustainable regimes of extractive governance.
Indonesia attempted to use its foreign policy to address domestic and international objectives in its relations with other nations. Due to Indonesia's success in the 1955 AAC and involvement in the ...1961 NAM, the country's administration used the SSTC mechanism to further local goals. Indonesia often offers Muslim Religious Leaders (MRLs) international reproductive health training to bring SSTC to African nations. Analysis of domestic politics and international aid used in this research. Using secondary data from literature studies, this research employs a qualitative explanatory case study methodology. In addition, triangulation analysis based on theory and Nvivo classification based on analysis of domestic politics and foreign aid are applied. This research found Indonesia tried to project itself as a nation that successfully and consistently implements and promotes family planning worldwide. However, various paradoxes exist in how Indonesian SSTC is implemented through MRLs activities. Indonesia has a high level of foreign debt, which goes against religious belief, and the notion that a large family is necessary for success is the opposite of the success of Indonesian SSTC.
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