Especially in the case of American Christians, the pressure they are capable of exerting upon national governments is not to be underestimated. ...the financial resources that Christian groups ...provide both to Israeli settlements and the tourist economy on the one hand, and to Palestinian Christian churches on the other, constitute important, albeit indirect, influences on situations in both Israel proper and the Territories.3 For both political and economic reasons, then, an understanding of the ways in which such groups use particular theological understandings rooted in Scripture to develop their denominational policies about the contemporary State of Israel and the question of Palestine are highly relevant to a comprehensive understanding of the religious element in contemporary geopolitics in the region. ...scripture is not seen to have governing authority with respect to Jewish or Arab rights to the land. Utilizing an adaptation of textual/critical method of biblical exegesis common in their churches, coupled with a theological hermeneutic derived from Protestant and Catholic liberation theologians, they have articulated theologies that see Palestinians, especially Christians, as the lineal successors of the Israelites of the Exodus. ...they insist that God is supportive of Palestinian efforts to liberate themselves from foreign oppression and reclaim the land. According to one author, the contribution of white Evangelical American Protestants to the Israeli tourist economy is around $250,000 annually.
The experiences of the nineteenth-century American common school and the twentieth century Israel Defense Forces as educational agencies provide a rich ground for the sort of comparative analysis ...undertaken by the burgeoning field of transnational history. While American historians have pointed out that a major purpose of common schooling in America was the socialization of immigrants into American life and culture, and Israelis have commented in similar fashion about education undertaken by the Israel Defense Forces, little attempt has been made to compare and contrast the experiences. Situated within the framework of contemporary understandings of modern nation-state formation, this essay explores historical similarities and differences in the manner in which the socialization of youth and immigrants into each society was carried out by these educational agencies. Additionally, it examines ways in which each contributed to the formation of a national identity in the early years of their respective state's development.
This was followed eight years later by meetings with Rafael Merry del Val, the Holy See's Secretary of State, and with Pope Pius X himself. Here, according to Herzl's account, the impact of the ...Church's theological stance was obvious. In the 23 January 1896 meeting with Merry del Val, the Secretary of State opined that, since Jews denied the divinity of Christ, "How then can we, without abandoning our own highest principles, agree to their being given possession of the Holy Land again?"(11) At the meeting with Pius X three days later, the pope stated flatly, "The Jews have not recognized Our Lord, therefore we cannot recognize the Jewish people."(12) Paul VI's growing interest was signaled by a number of events. On 1 October 1973, the University of Bethlehem opened with Vatican funding with the designated purpose of providing a Catholic tertiary institution to serve Palestinians as a "memorial" of the pope's 1964 pilgrimage. On 17 July 1974, he sent a note to Monsignor John G. Nolan, president of the Pontifical Mission for Palestine, indicating that the Palestinians were dear to him because they included followers of Christ, had been sorely tried, and were the people of the Holy Land.(43) In what amounts to the Holy See's first reference to the Palestinians as a "people" and not simply as refugees, this letter, while circulated only within Church circles, seems to amount to an attempt to rebut Prime Minister Meir Lau's famous denial that there was a Palestinian people. Other recent papal statements reflect similar concerns. In his 1994 address to diplomats accredited to the Holy See, John Paul II described the purpose of the Agreement as "guaranteeing for the Catholic Church in that country conditions for a normal existence" adding that the new relationship would also help it "consolidate the desire for peace and justice."(77) Most recently, the 1996 diplomatic address focuses more on justice questions, welcoming a Palestinian representative to the Holy See with the hope that the year would see definitive negotiations on the status of the occupied territories, but also containing still another plea for an international solution to the "particular problem of Jerusalem."(78)
Especially in the case of American Christians, the pressure they are capable of exerting upon national governments is not to be underestimated. ...the financial resources that Christian groups ...provide both to Israeli settlements and the tourist economy on the one hand, and to Palestinian Christian churches on the other, constitute important, albeit indirect, influences on situations in both Israel proper and the Territories. ...scripture is not seen to have governing authority with respect to Jewish or Arab rights to the land. Utilizing an adaptation of textual/critical method of biblical exegesis common in their churches, coupled with a theological hermeneutic derived from Protestant and Catholic liberation theologians, they have articulated theologies that see Palestinians, especially Christians, as the lineal successors of the Israelites of the Exodus. ...they insist that God is supportive of Palestinian efforts to liberate themselves from foreign oppression and reclaim the land. According to one author, the contribution of white Evangelical American Protestants to the Israeli tourist economy is around $250,000 annually.
