Spatial Mismatch theory is one of the theories that examine poverty and inequality in the social-Spatial structure of cities. The aim of the present study was to "conceptually explain the grounds for ...Spatial Mismatch of work and residence", especially in the cities of developing countries and Iran. This research is theoretical-applied in nature and descriptive-analytical in terms of method. In addition, discourse analysis has been used to explain the fields of formation and the lack of Spatial Mismatch. According to the findings of the present study, Spatial Mismatches in the Great Fields (global and Inclusive changes such as the expansion of Ford-Keynesian and neoliberal , Post Fordism) and its most objective layer (the inequality between access to Appropriate work and access to housing in urban structure and space), are similar.However, geographically, the focus of Spatial Mismatch in developing countries, in contrast to the US, is mostly on the suburb of cities.While Spatial Mismatch in the United States is influenced by unequal racial-ethnic contexts, development of transportation technology, suburbanization, industrialization, and the establishment of industries and factories, in developing countries it is mainly due to its "unequal structure of international economic relations," "implementation." External development strategies include "unequal socio-spatial construction", "getting caught up in the traps of development traps" (political instability, selling natural resources, spreading the consequences of neighborly instability, inefficient governance), and “traps of poverty and corruption" and “unstable pattern of urban development".
This study explores how the adoption of management ideas is conditioned by wider macro-level mentalities that are not company based but that instead reflect professionally or nationally rooted ways ...of managing. Drawing from studies on professional mentalities and practices, we study Finnish top executives working in globally operating multinational corporations in the metal and forestry industries, showing how, starting in the 1980s, they adopted new management practices during the rise of globalisation, market liberalisation and post-Fordism. Altogether, a traditional engineering mentality strongly conditioned the dissemination of new management ideas, which needed to adapt with the existing mentality. As a result, we find three ways of management idea dissemination: (a) new ideas had to fit in with the old business elite mentality, (b) new ideas were side-lined and belittled by the old mentality and (c) new ideas were smuggled into management by reframing and widening the old mentality. By extending Guillén’s work on elite mentalities, the study contributes to the research on management ideas by exploring the role of societal macro-level mentalities in management learning, highlighting their role in times of societal transformation.
Since the Golden Age of the Welfare State ended, the male‐breadwinner family model traditionally supported by conservative parties has been put under pressure. Familialism appears to be no longer ...attractive to a changing, more volatile constituency. By comparing four different European countries – namely, Denmark, Germany, Italy and the United Kingdom – this work investigates the evolution of the conservative parties’ family policy positions in the post‐Fordist era (1990s–2010s). The article has two goals. First, relying on a multidimensional theoretical framework where both social consumption and social investment policy instruments are at stake, it probes whether conservatives have switched their positions by backing de‐familialism and thus the dual‐earner family model. Second, it explains policy position change or stability over time and cross‐country differences through a multicausal analytical framework.
The content analysis of party manifestos shows that, in the post‐Fordist era, the conservative parties have supported ‘optional familialism’, thus upholding both familiarizing and de‐familiarizing measures. However, such positions are not static. In the 1990s, support for familialism was higher while, since the 2000s, there has been a constant, increasing backing of de‐familialism. While the shift is evident for all the parties, cross‐country differences remain. The comparative historical analysis has pointed out that the specific ‘optional familialism’ positions taken by the conservative parties over time result from the interaction of constituency‐oriented, institutional, contextual and political factors.
This article explores the practices through which young people cultivate themselves as subjects of value to the post-Fordist labour force. In this, the article goes beyond an existing emphasis on ...young people’s ‘transitions’ through employment, to a focus on the practices through which young people are formed as labouring subjects, and therefore on the relationship between youth subjectivities and post-Fordist labour force formation. Theoretically, the article builds upon increasingly influential suggestions in studies of post-Fordism that the formation of post-Fordist workers now takes place through the conversion of the whole of a subject’s life into the capacity for labour, including affective styles, modes of relationality, and characteristics usually not considered as productive dimensions of the self. In this context, the article shows that whilst young people form themselves as workers through practices that are not specific to institutionalised definitions of education and labour, these practices – and the modes of selfhood they aim to cultivate – vary in ways that contribute to classed divisions within post-Fordist societies. In this, the study of the formation of young workers offers a critical insight into the way that the formation of subjectivities intertwines with the disciplinary requirements of post-Fordist labour in their classed manifestations.
With a rapid rise in use and size of western Special Operations Forces in conflict zones, the literature has grown accordingly. Critiquing the claims of Steven Niva and others, Bury argues that ...post-Fordist, rather than network or chaoplexic theory, best describes the transformation of networked military organisations in the twenty-first century, and that this will remain so into the future.
Abstract
The last two decades have witnessed a rapid rise in the use, size and capability of many western Special Operations Forces (SOF). A response to the global jihadist threat, the growing presence, prominence and technology-enabled lethality of SOF in conflict zones has resulted in increased scholarly attention. Some have argued that their rise is indicative of important and ongoing changes in the character of war itself. One of the most influential of these works is Steven Niva's study of the transformation of US Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC) Task Forces in Iraq. Niva argues that JSOC (more accurately its Task Force 714 Command Headquarters, henceforth TF714) was forced to adopt a networked organizational structure to counter Al-Qa'ida in Iraq (AQI). For Niva, this transformation provided evidence of a shift towards ‘counter-net’ and ‘chaoplexic’ forms of warfare conceptualized by Bousquet in this journal. This article uses new primary and secondary sources to critique these claims. It argues that although a network approach was an important part of TF714's transformation, it was only one part. Instead, JSOC's transformation is more accurately understood through a post-Fordist industrial framework of the centralization of management control and the simultaneous decentralization of decision-making; the integration of core and periphery forces; outsourcing; and a network approach to knowledge. From this analysis, it argues that post-Fordist, rather than network or chaoplexic theory, best describes even the most networked military organizations in the twenty-first century, and that more broadly, fully networked warfare is unlikely given the frictions associated with the coming ‘binary’ battlefield.
This article offers a new approach to the analysis of spatial hierarchies and selectivity within national politics. These hierarchies and related state spatial restructurings are approached by ...analysing spatial imaginaries of the political elites in Finland. This study places these present-day imaginaries and hierarchies in their historical context and analyses the qualitative shifts in Finnish spatial hierarchization. The paper illustrates how the institutionalized hierarchies of the 1960s and 1970s were used as a tool in the emerging Fordist welfare state, and how the hierarchies of today are built on a more competitively oriented basis. The current spatial imaginaries and hierarchies are approached through an extensive suite of elite interviews. These spatial hierarchies are revealing of the existing ways of reasoning and follow the more general spatial and economic rationalities. This paper argues that as the institutional status of the earlier spatial hierarchy has waned and been replaced with network-based spatial systems, hierarchies also exist, however, within the network-based spatial imaginaries and their associated policy practices. The new spatial hierarchies do not have institutional status, but their role in processes of state spatial restructuring is nevertheless important.
Ireland's economy is currently characterized by two phenomena: a highly globalized growth regime predicated on multinational corporate profit-shifting, and a domestic economy (concentrated in the ...capital, Dublin) experiencing severe housing crisis. This paper links these two phenomena together, and argues that they be considered as evidence of the emergence of a new accumulation regime, in which a specific mode of integration within the global economy both favours the emergence of, and embeds, particular patterns of domestic rent exploitation. To demonstrate this the paper combines a new synthesis of French régulation theory, as modified to account for transnational dynamics, with an updated reading of Gramsci's analysis of (pre-Fordist) rent exploitation, applying this framework to redefine Ireland's growth model as an emerging transnational accumulation regime of rentier character.
This article aims to explain the evolution of urban governance in Spain during the last 40 years as a product of different waves of state rescaling. Historical, political and economic specificities ...shape the evolution of Spanish urban governance, especially because of the recent process of democratic transition, regional decentralisation and the specific process of de-industrialisation. We distinguish three periods in urban governance trends, from the restoration of democracy in the late 1970s to the current austerity urbanism marked by the economic crisis starting in 2008. For each phase, we highlight the three interrelated factors explaining urban governance: (1) the evolution of the Spanish political economy in the transition from Fordism to post-Fordism; (2) the evolution of the welfare state; and (3) the role of urban social movements.
City profile: Innsbruck Haller, Andreas; Andexlinger, Wolfgang; Bender, Oliver
Cities,
February 2020, 2020-02-00, 20200201, Letnik:
97
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
•We trace the urban development of Greater Innsbruck.•We highlight the interplay between the city and the mountains.•We underline the role of cable cars for place branding.
Located amidst the ...European Alps, the Austrian city of Innsbruck has developed from a small Roman settlement into a centre for the House of Habsburg. Today the self-styled “Capital of the Alps”—host to the Winter Olympics in 1964 and 1976—is a vibrant urban region that aims to valorize the mountains to face the post-Fordist competition between urban centres. The present article traces the urban development of Innsbruck, from Roman times to the present, focusing on the age of post-Fordism and globalization. Looking beyond the administrative boundaries of the core city, data on land cover and demographic conditions for the whole urban region of Innsbruck is described and explained. Next, the pivotal role that tourism and, in particular, cable cars have been playing in the urban development of Innsbruck since the late 1920s, is analysed and linked with ongoing trends in place branding. From both internal and external perspectives, Innsbruck is shown as promoting itself as an Alpine-urban city that provides a postmodern leisure society with optimal conditions for work and leisure at different altitudinal zones. The increasingly urbanized high-mountain environment is becoming a core element of the place brand of Innsbruck.
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