Učitelj i politika Miškulin, Ivica
Scrinia Slavonica,
11/2022, Letnik:
22, Številka:
1
Journal Article, Paper
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U radu autor ocjenjuje političko djelovanje učitelja Ivana Trdića u razdoblju Kraljevine Jugoslavije i početkom Nezavisne Države Hrvatske (1929. – 1941.). Čitatelj se posebno upućuje na analizu ...Trdićeva rada u temeljnim političkim i parapolitičkim organizacijama šestosiječanjskog režima u gradu te kotaru Slavonska Požega, poput Jugoslovenskog učiteljskog udruženja, Jugoslovenske radikalno seljačke demokratije, Jugoslovenske nacionalne stranke, Jugoslovenske radikalne zajednice i Sokola Kraljevine Jugoslavije. U promatranom razdoblju Trdić službuje u školi Vanjska Požega te je jedan od najvažnijih lokalnih pristaša ideologije i politike beskompromisnog jugoslavenstva. Njezino pak rastakanje u drugoj polovici 1930-ih donosi propast Trdićevih ideala. Osvetoljubive ustaše ubile su ga u prvim danima Nezavisne Države Hrvatske.
The abundance and diversity of the preserved archival materials allow a comprehensive analysis of the political activities of the teacher Ivan Trdić during the time of the Yugoslav states (Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia) between the two wars and in the first days of the Independent State of Croatia. In the first part of the parliamentary period (1919-1926) Trdić came to the fore as the first local teacher to voice the ideology of Yugoslav unitarism, which soon put him - chiefly because of his aggressive pushing of exclusive and violent Yugoslavism - in an untenable position in the Croatian rural communities in which he worked (Nova Kapela). The predictable outcome of everything was a deep disapproval of Yugoslav symbolism by the majority of Croats who started to justifiably treat the aggressive and violent unitaristic minority as national renegades and traitors. Immediately after his promotion in his career (occupying the position of head teacher through political protectionism by the Association of Yugoslav Teachers) Trdić had to undergo a fall. The first Yugoslav circle of sincere Yugoslav teachers ended in the victory of national (i.e. separate Croatian and Serbian) policies and led Trdić to the lee of anonymity in back-of-beyond Stražeman.The Yugoslav nationalists were undeservedly given a new opportunity in the early 1930s. Hence, the 6 January coup of Aleksander Karađorđević must be considered as a new attempt to impose a Yugoslav synthesis. The ideology of the uncompromising Yugoslav regime of the dictatorship reiterated a number of the previous features (a-historicism, exclusiveness, hidden Serbianization) but also brought in some novelties such as state protection, a more apparent monarchism, the predominance of the assimilation version of Yugoslavism and the disappearance of a vocal opposition. As expected, Trdić happened to be at the forefront of distinguished stakeholders of the new conditions in Slavonska Požega (where he lived and where the primary school of which he was head was located); he was enthusiastically active through the two basic media. He occupied a distinguished position in the new regime formation meant for the ideological indoctrination of society, particularly of children (centralized Association of Yugoslav Teachers) and was also a part of the administration of regime parties. Also, the increase of problems concerning the ambivalence of the dictatorial regime would hardly have led to a new collapse of Yugoslav nationalism without the violent death of its idol King Alexander. Without the king, the supporters of “provincial” (that is to say national) identities in Sava Banovina were in the majority (as indicated by the parliamentary elections in May 1935) and in the case of Slavonska Požega this in the first place indicated the return of the HSS (Croatian Peasant Party) led Croatian national movement to the scene. Hence, Trdić experienced in Slavonska Požega (as well as in the second half of 1920 in Nova Kapela) the collapse of Yugoslav nationalism which is naturally the frequent fate of unnatural ideological projects that have no very serious support and are based on imposition and repression.Trdić managed to keep his position on the surface for only a short period of time: without the support of the regime or of a strong political party the Croatian, Yugo-nationalists were brought down to the status of a distinct minority, hence, the imperative of continuing to exist inevitably led them in the direction of Milan Stojadinović which again brings to light their dependence on the Serbian base. However, the establishment of the Banovina of Croatia (denied in the early 1930s) indicated the final victory of Croatian nationalism, that is to say the final defeat of Yugoslav nationalism and the new regime showed not much consideration for Yugoslav teachers who were the servants of a violent and anti-Croatian dictatorship. Trdić was therefore expelled from the Association of Croatian Teachers and to the Yugoslav Radical Union he was more an obstacle to the prospects of the party than a useful lure for Croats. However, Trdić’s second Yugoslav round did not end peacefully. The regime of the Banovina of Croatia forced him into retirement but the uncompromising Croatian nationalists governing the Independent State of Croatia decided to execute him.
U radu se detaljnije istražuje život i djelo istaknutoga hrvatskog povjesničara Ferde Šišića od početka 1938. do 1940. godine. Temeljni je istraživački problem koji se postavlja u radu ...rasvjetljavanje i karakterizacija međuodnosa Šišićeva profesionalnog rada kao povjesničara i njegova političkog djelovanja. U tome cilju se na temelju brojnih arhivskih izvora, periodike i dostupne literature rekonstruira cjelokupna Šišićeva djelatnost na polju historiografije, u kulturi i politici u tadašnjem povijesnom kontekstu, određenom institucionalnim strukturama Kraljevine Jugoslavije.
This paper provides a more detailed analysis of the scholarly, cultural and political activities of the distinguished Croatian historian Ferdo Šišić during the last years of his life from 1938 to 1940. The main objective has been to cast light on the relation of Šišić’s work in the field of historiography and his political activities in the historical context defined by the institutions of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia at the time. The first chapter refers to Šišić’s withdrawal from his teaching duties at the Faculty of Philosophy in Zagreb in the academic year 1937/38 due to a heart condition and to political conflicts among the students at Zagreb University. His activities in Masonic lodges have been explored and his actions published in early 1938 analysed; they clearly indicated his close relations to the regime in Belgrade and to the policy of the then Prime Minister Milan Stojadinović. Another focus of the paper is Šišić’s publications published in spring 1938 particularly in reference to the re-establishment of his cooperation with Matica hrvatska, which, administered by Filip Lukas, became the base of activities for Croatian nationalist intellectuals with a negative attitude towards the regime in Belgrade. A thorough analysis of Šišić’s works, primarily in journalist style, published under changing political circumstances after the fall of Prime Minister Stojadinović’s government in the first half of 1939, has provided a clear indication of Šišić’s opportunism and careerism as the most acceptable explanation for his political and cultural activities. However, in this paper close attention has been also drawn to Šišić’s huge energy for work which, despite his poor health condition, made him return to his teaching duties at the Faculty of Philosophy in Zagreb in the winter semester of the academic year 1938/39; with this energy he maintained relationships with numerous colleagues and associates and continued writing, publishing a great number of works. This was partly also the reason why his seventieth birthday in March 1939 had a major impact, especially among the well-informed. The last part of this paper investigates Šišić’s life in the second half of 1939 marked by the progress of his illness, his retirement and the withdrawal from public life, which took place in the context of the establishment of the Banovina of Croatia. The final part describes Šišić’s death and his funeral in January 1940, special attention being paid to the first reviews of Šišić’s life and work immediately after his death.
Odnos svjetovnih nacionalnih tiskanih medija prema Katoličkoj Crkvi u Hrvatskoj u razdoblju od 1943. do 1990. godine je različit. Kako je u to vrijeme Hrvatska bila u sastavu komunističke ...Jugoslavije, na čelu s Josipom Brozom Titom koji je u državi uspostavio komunistički režim, medije je kontrolirala vlast. Osim medija Tito je i Crkvu želio staviti pod državnu upravu. Tadašnji zagrebački nadbiskupu Alojzije Stepinac posebno se tome suprotstavljao i gorljivo je branio odvajanje Crkve od njezine matice, Vatikana, po cijenu gubitka vlastite slobode. Stanovito olakšanje i slobodnije djelovanje klerici i vjerski tisak osjetili su 1966. godine, kada je SFR Jugoslavija potpisala sporazum sa Svetom Stolicom. Izborom Franje Kuharića za zagrebačkog nadbiskupa 1970. godine Crkva ponovno odgovara vlastima i medijima na njihove provokacije. Raspadom SFRJ mijenja se i stav nove hrvatske vlasti prema Katoličkoj Crkvi i kleru. Republika Hrvatska, samostalna i slobodna, donosi svoj prvi Ustav, čime radikalno mijenja svoj odnos prema katoličkom tisku i prisutnosti vjerske tematike u medijima.
From 1943 to 1990 the attitude of secular, national and print media towards the Catholic Church in Croatia was diverse. During that period Croatia was a part of communist Yugoslavia, which was led by Josip Broz Tito who had established the communist regime. The media was controlled by the government. Tito wanted the Church to be under the government administration as well, which former archbishop Stepinac did not approve of and was strongly against the separation from Vatican. In 1966 there was a brief relief and possibility for freer action for clergy and religious media after the SFRY and Vatican signed a treaty. After Franjo Kuharić was elected as the new archbishop of Zagreb in 1970, the Church once more started fighting back to the authorities and the media. When SFRY disintegrated, the attitude of the new Croatian government towards Catholic Church and clergy altered. The Republic of Croatia, now free and independent, adopts its first Constitution thus radically changing their relationship towards the Catholic media and overall religious matter in the media.
U radu se na osnovi dosad neobrađene arhivske građe, hrvatskoga i iseljeničkoga tiska te relevantne literature analizira politička dimenzija posjeta izaslanstva Matice iseljenika Hrvatske ...iseljeničkim zajednicama u Australiji koji je trajao od srpnja do rujna 1971., prvenstveno u kontekstu utjecaja na tzv. proces diferencijacije u iseljeništvu, koji je dosad vrlo slabo istražen. U Hrvatskoj su krajem 1960-ih uočili određena politička raslojavanja u iseljeništvu kao posljedicu dolaska novih iseljenika i kao odraz političkih događanja u domovini tijekom hrvatskoga proljeća te postojećih političkih razlika među samim iseljenicima, što su nastojali iskoristiti da bi neutralizirali utjecaj hrvatske političke emigracije i većinu iseljenika vezali uz domovinu i njezin socijalistički društveno-politički sustav. Cilj rada jest doprinijeti istraživanju povijesti iseljeništva i međuodnosa hrvatskih institucija s iseljeništvom tijekom razdoblja socijalističke Jugoslavije.
This paper analyses the political background of the departure of the Croatian Heritage Foundation’s (CHF) delegation to Australia in summer 1971, i.e. the political reasons behind it and the purpose of the visit. Believing their influence among the expatriates to be great, the CHF decided to use an opportune moment of political divisions among the expatriates in order to neutralise the influence of the political émigrés among the expatriates while simultaneously attempting to gain the support of most expatriates for building closer ties with the homeland and accepting its socialist social-political system. The political divisions among the expatriates, the so-called differentiation process, was a consequence of political differences among the émigrés themselves, the arrival of new expatriates, and the positive influence of political movements in Croatia during the Croatian Spring. This process was particularly prominent in Australia, which was also seen as a bastion of reactionary expatriates, strongly influenced by Croatian political émigrés. The CHF delegation’s journey was planned in agreement with political factors from the Socialist Republic of Croatia. The tenets of the Tenth Session of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Croatia and the climate of the Croatian Spring—which included a strengthening of Croatian identity at the expense of Yugoslav identity among expatriates—served as their political milestones. The Football Federation of Croatia worked with the CHF in Croatia, while the managements of the football clubs ‘Croatia’, Croatian associations that split off from Croatian Halls owned by political émigrés, Committees of the Croatian Cancer League, the ‘Croatian Youth’ organisation, and parts of the clergy and the pro-Yugoslav émigrés who were ready to work with the rest of the Croatian expatriates were all seen as potential collaborators. The Yugoslav diplomatic missions and consular posts were seen as the factors that should spearhead the differentiation process, but were also considered problematic because Croats were under-represented in them, because they denied the existence of the differentiation process, because they opposed the concentration of expatriates on a national basis, and because they spread the claim that the Croatian émigrés were extremists on the Australian public scene. The main opposition to this process offered by the Croatian political émigrés, who were allied to the Australian conservative government from the moment they arrived in the country. Expatriates unburdened by politics received the delegation well, while the political émigrés viewed it negatively, interpreting its visit as an exclusively political move and casting doubt on its publicly stated goal, which was claimed to be exclusively to expand social and cultural ties. With the change of the political circumstances after the suppression of the Croatian Spring in Karađorđevo, the differentiation process was halted, while the delegation members found themselves subject to much criticism due to their activities in Australia, though they did not suffer any far-reaching political consequences.
Bijela knjiga je uobičajeni naziv za internu analizu Saveza komunista Hrvatske iz ožujka 1984. u kojoj su sabrane antisistemske pojave iz javnoga prostora od 1982. do 1984., najvećim dijelom iz ...Srbije, a koje su bile u suprotnosti s politikom Saveza komunista Jugoslavije. Ona je bila rezultat dosljedne provedbe zaključaka Centralnoga komiteta Saveza komunista Jugoslavije u Hrvatskoj, ali i većem dijelu republika i autonomnih pokrajina. U Srbiji su to radili parcijalno, očito iz pobuda da ne idu do kraja u obračun s kritičarima komunizma jer su dijelu političkoga vrha Srbije služili i za druge ciljeve – promjenu političkoga sustava, što je bio eufemizam za redefiniranje jugoslavenskoga federalizma. Analiza je bila uvod u Savjetovanje kulturnih stvaralaca održano 23. svibnja 1984. u Zagrebu. Izazvala je razmimoilaženje između komunista Hrvatske i Srbije i potaknula dugotrajne polemike u medijima.
The White Book is the popular name for the internal analysis of the League of Communists of Croatia from March 1984, in which anti-system occurrences in the public space—i.e. those that were at odds with the policies of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia—from 1982 to 1984 and
mostly from Serbia, were gathered. It was the result of the consistent implementation of the policies of the Central Committee of the League of
Communists of Yugoslavia in Croatia as well as in most parts of the other Yugoslav republics and autonomous provinces. In Serbia, this was done only partially, obviously due to a desire to avoid a thorough settling of accounts with the media and anti-communists, because they were important to a part of the political leadership that wanted a change of the political system, which was a euphemism for redefining Yugoslav federalism. The goal of the Analysis was to highlight this issue, while the Consultations of Cultural Creators held on 23 May 1984 were intended to offer help from Zagreb. It appears that the White Book purposefully ended up in the hands of persons in Belgrade for whose eyes
it had not been intended, and thus worsened relations between the Leagues of Communists of Croatia and Serbia. The White Book was also the
cause of long-lasting media polemics, despite the Party leadership’s demands that they be stopped. It is a concrete example that there existed serious differences in the approach to the topic of ideological struggle within the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, and that the conclusions of the League’s Central Committee were not being conducted according to the principles of ‘democratic centralism’.
U radu se na temelju izvornoga arhivskoga gradiva istražuje jedan aspekt
kulturne politike Jugoslavije i Hrvatske prema iseljeništvu – gostovanja glazbenih umjetnika i kulturno-umjetničkih društava u ...zemljama iseljavanja 60-ih i 70-ih godina XX. stoljeća. U kratkom prikazu iseljeničke službe na saveznoj i republičkoj razini daje se uvid
u njezinu ulogu u formiranju i realiziranju te nadzor nad tim dijelom kulturne politike. Nastojanje Jugoslavije da ostvari organizacijski i ideološki nadzor nad tim aktivnostima dodatno je ilustriran primjerima dvojice hrvatskih popularnih pjevača – Ive Robića i Vice Vukova.
Based on the original archives, the paper explores one aspect of the cultural policy of Yugoslavia and Croatia towards emigration—guest appearances by music artists and cultural and artistic societies in the countries of emigration in the 1960s and 1970s. The policy towards emigrants, especially ‘temporary workers abroad’, has been particularly important since the early 1960s, as emigration began to be perceived as a
vital force, for both political and economic reasons. Therefore, the emigration service in the 1960s expanded and operated through several working bodies at the federal and republican levels, and played an essential role in the formation and implementation as well as the supervision of cultural policy towards emigrants. The idea was to maintain and strengthen the influence of self-managing socialist Yugoslavia in the ‘Seventh Republic’, and to neutralise the impact of political émigrés averse to the communist regime as much as possible. Music, as a segment of cultural policy, was a trump card that was known to have good reception with the audience, and guest appearances by musicians—singers and cultural and artistic societies—became very popular and frequent in Western Europe and overseas. Visits thus became a
medium of ideological and promotional activities towards emigrants; organisers, performers, programs, and performances were regularly monitored by the state and Party bodies, diplomatic missions, and the State Security Service. Among the implementers of cultural policy towards emigrants, a significant role was played by the Heritage Foundation of Croatia, which operated according to the instructions of state and Party bodies, but had the best insight into the situation among immigrants and maintained continuous relations with them. Yugoslavia’s efforts to gain organisational and ideological control over
musical guest appearances are further illustrated through the examples of two Croatian popular singers—Ivo Robić and Vice Vukov.
The conception of total people’s defence and social self-protection, as the Yugoslav defence-protection system was called, began to be implemented after the Warsaw Pact countries’ invasion of ...Czechoslovakia in August 1968. Yugoslav communists believed that this sudden and successful aggression could be effectively opposed only through the organised engagement of all available societal potentials, based on its revolutionary experience and reflections on Marxist classics regarding arming the populace. This was the beginning of a conception of defence that visibly burdened the society, increased the already large military budget, and prompted the militarisation of society. Although the security of society, called social self-protection, was discussed at the same time as defence, the true impetus for its theoretical and practical formation was the infiltration of the paramilitary cell Feniks (Phoenix) into Yugoslavia in summer 1972. In contrast to total people’s defence, whose implementation was considered successful, the implementation of social self-protection ran into numerous problems because security was from 1945 to 1966 exclusively the responsibility of the security service, and therefore difficult to accept in other social structures. For this reason, on several occasions the League of Communists initiated its acceptance on all levels of organisation in party and social-political structures. A relatively efficient fusion of these two protective complexes was achieved only in 1979, after the founding of committees for total people’s defence and social self-protection, which were supposed to secure the leading role of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia in the defence-security system.