Language Policy and Conflict Prevention analyses the components of a balanced language policy with a view to reducing conflict potential. It draws upon contributions from experts working for the OSCE ...HCNM, Council of Europe, UN as well as leading academics.
The basic law governing minority rights in the Republic of Croatia was adopted by The Constitutional Act on the Rights of National Minorities (CARNM) in 2002. Among other things, it provides for the ...election of representatives of members of national minorities in accordance with a special election act. The unified election act – Act on the Election of Councils and Representatives of National Minorities (AECRNM), which regulates the election of members of national minority councils and representatives of national minorities in local and regional self-government units, entered into force on 14 March 2019, 17 years after the adoption of the CARNM. The first elections held under the provisions of that act were the elections of representatives and members of Councils of National Minorities, held in 2019, on 5 May (first round) and 19 May (second round). The 2019 elections went unnoticed by the Croatian press, with the exception of the involvement of some local media in areas with a larger population of members of national minorities. Apart from invisibility, another problem of the 2019 elections was the low voter turnout, from 10 to 24 percent, depending on the level of the self-government unit at which the elections were held. The empirical analysis of election results and Government Reports on the implementation of the CARNM seeks to answer the questions of the extent to which national minorities were politically active in the previous election cycle (2015–2019) and whether more generous funding of political activities affects voter turnout. The evaluation of the results is also an answer to the question of whether the adoption of the new act is a step forward in promoting the political rights of national minorities in Croatia and a guide for election participants to prepare activities for the new election cycle.
On 22 February 2024, the Advisory Committee on the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities published a critical opinion on Latvia within the framework of the fourth monitoring ...cycle. This text is centred on government comments as an important element of the standardised FCNM monitoring mechanisms provided by the Latvian Government during the four monitoring circles. This study identifies and assesses the key arguments and techniques employed by Latvia in this sectoral dialogue framework. It shows that the Latvian authorities view diversity as a threat to social cohesion, and their endeavours, inter alia, in the minority education domain, combine references to Latvia’s traumatic historical experience, constitutional identity, and the margin of state discretion that camouflage the absence of political will to advance minority rights. Among other negative factors, this signals a dangerous path that could likely be followed by other states that are parties to this Convention.
The paper analyzes the position of national minorities in the Western Balkans region, with an emphasis on the countries created through former SFR Yugoslavia’s dissolution, which are characterized as ...new national states. It has been pointed to the specificities of this form of national state, primarily nationalism as the basis in all the domains of functionality, which is the main reason for the negative relation toward minorities. The accession to the European Union is the main motivation factor toward solving the issues of the minorities in this region. The situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina is especially complicated considering that the specific solution of national minorities’ status is one of the causes of stagnation of this country in European integration process.
The book offers an updated expert assessment of the implementation of the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities through an article-by-article analysis and assessment of the ...scope of application during the first four cycles of monitoring.
The issue of the protection of national minorities is regulated by acts of international law, frequently arising from international agreements that have been concluded to end armed conflicts or to ...regulate directly their consequences. Peace treaties concluded between states are governed by the rules set out in the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties. More and more peace agreements are, however, concluded by non-state actors. As indicated in Article 3 of the Convention, it cannot be excluded that these too would be international agreements, having effects in the sphere of international law. Such acts are concluded, inter alia, by insurgents or belligerents. In some cases, agreements ending non-international armed conflicts are concluded by domestic entities that are not subjects of international law. Such acts may reflect solutions that have been adopted as standards in international practice and in the provisions of international law. These do not necessarily have to be legally binding standards. They can also be framework solutions, including measures relating to the protection of national minorities, which are formulated and offered as proposals for specific regulations.
Legal and policy categorizations of group belonging play an important role in analysing lived experiences of discrimination, since the scope of minority protection requires individuals to prove their ...belonging to a minority group. This article maps the existing classifiers of minority identification as they are used in the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities, Europe's most comprehensive treaty designed to protect the rights of national minorities. I engage with the concept of ethnicity as a "knot of distinction", looking at which minorities qualify as "national" in different countries. When is ethnicity used as a proxy for religion, when for race, and when for language? What categories are omitted? By inductively analysing the rationales presented by different EU countries of which minorities are "national", and based on which grounds, this article reveals a messy, historically and politically driven picture, but one that can help us understand some regional patterns.
This article investigates in what way the Swedish compulsory school curriculum (Lgr11) addresses knowledge regarding Swedish national minorities. The aim is to study alignment within Lgr11 through a ...case of the theme national minorities. Research questions target alignment within syllabi and alignment between syllabi and the aim and guidelines in the curricula. Theories of alignment and curriculum theory formed the theory and methodology for the analysis, foregrounding similarities and differences in how Swedish national minorities are addressed in Lgr11. Results show numerous inconsistencies. Learning goals in curriculum and syllabus content are, for instance, not aligned, and differences exist within the syllabus between aim (syfte), central content (centralt innehåll) and the lower set measurable demands (kunskapskrav). This is problematic since earlier research demonstrated that measurable demands have out-conquered teaching content. These challenges for teacher’s interpretation of curricula and syllabus can affect the teaching content.
Established in 1992, the High Commissioner on National Minorities of the Organization for Co-operation and Security in Europe has made significant contributions to conflict prevention and management ...in multi-ethnic societies. In this article, I trace how, over the three decades of its existence, the institution has adopted the notion of “integration with respect for diversity” as the guiding principle of its work. I demonstrate that successive High Commissioners have relied on three main tools in their efforts – mediation and facilitation, advising on legislation and policy making, and capacity building – and illustrate this approach with examples from across the OSCE area before providing two detailed case studies of how the institution has supported Kyrgyzstan and Moldova in the development of their respective national integration strategies. I conclude that the sustainability of positive change that follows from the engagement of the High Commissioner depends significantly on the institution’s ability to build local capacity to manage the process of integration with respect for diversity in the long term and with a wide range of national and international governmental and non-governmental stakeholders.