La novela de Franz Galich refleja las aventuras de una pandilla que cohabita una Managua nocturna postliberal. ¿Cómo son las pandillas literaturizadas? ¿De qué forma la violencia callejera continúa ...la violencia bélica como estado permanente de baja intensidad y construye diversas subjetividades? En este ensayo dialogo con acercamientos sociológicos y antropológicos que aportan a nuestra comprensión de las pandillas. Paralelamente, utilizo filosofía relacionada a cómo emergen códigos alternativos para enfrentarse a la violencia desde el espacio y el cuerpo. En mi lectura, la pandilla sigue reciclamientos de la guerra y trata de llenar el vacío dejado por el proyecto revolucionario sandinista pero, al sucumbir en la historia, nos hace reflexionar sobre las subjetividades sobrevivientes. Propongo que la novela expone un nuevo sujeto posrevolucionario a través de la prostituta y jefa de la pandilla, La Guajira, quien representa un ethos neoliberal de movilidad y de vaciamiento del pasado bélico con capacidades de (re)ensamblarse al grupo sin depender comunitariamente.
The political economy of national-neoliberalism Ban, Cornel; Scheiring, Gabor; Vasile, Mihai
European politics and society (Abingdon, England),
2023, Letnik:
24, Številka:
1
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
Has a post-neoliberal policy regime emerged from the challenges to neoliberalism that have accompanied the rise of nationalism and populism in some Eastern and Central European countries? Why has the ...political organization of these challenges to neoliberalism endured in some countries but not in others? By drawing on a mix of primary and secondary sources culled from the institutional, political and economic realities of Hungary and Romania, this paper makes two claims. First, the article sugegsts that these transformations have amounted to a distinctive variety of neoliberalism that can be dubbed 'national-neoliberalism.' At its core one finds the slightly modified old goals of neoliberal orthodoxy embedded into a protective cocoon of orthodox and unorthodox economic policy instruments and institutions. The second claim of the paper is that the political organization of the national-neoliberal project was resilient in Hungary but not in Romania. The evidence suggests that this variation owes not only to the fact that the 'national' elements of national-neoliberalism had protections against the bond markets. While this factor was indeed critical, the resilience of Hungarian national-neoliberalism seems to have been made possible by the fact that its proponents could manage a broader social bloc and deploy techno-political capabilities that bolstered their political power relative to that of challengers. In contrast, the challengers to orthodox ("globalist") neoliberalism did not posess these characteristics in Romania. As such, the paper rejects the hypothesis of a nationalist-heterodox successor to neoliberalism and takes a first cut at a theory of policy resilience for national-neoliberalism.
A controversial and illuminating study,Gender, the State, and Social Reproductioncrosses the disciplines of politics, history, gender studies, and sociology.
Abstract
Anthropologists, like neoliberal economists, have often assumed that competition (re)orders society in broadly predictable ways. By contrast, we contend that competition always facilitates ...changes beyond its anticipated outcomes and disciplinary effects. We argue that the outcomes of competition are contingent on the varied and co-existing interpretations of audiences, arbiters, and competitors about the nature of competition, what is worth competing for, and how to go about it. Hence, although it is often instituted with the intention of authoritatively determining value, generating order, or engineering predefined changes, competition inherently affords alternative and unexpected possibilities for sociality. In doing so, competition mediates divergent social orders and modes of relating, rather than instituting one order or another.
La educación formal puede ser entendida como una actividad cultural que es influenciada por múltiples perspectivas epistemológicas que están presentes en la sociedad. Además, cada nación tiene sus ...propias particularidades en función de su propia historia y ciudadanía que son únicas. Unas de las corrientes teóricas que ha tenido un auge pedagógico en los últimos años en América Latina es la perspectiva feminista, promoviendo la igualdad de género. Considerando dicho contexto, se desarrolló el presente ensayo cuyo objetivo es analizar desde una perspectiva crítica y de género cuatro documentos ministeriales chilenos sobre psicomotricidad y corporalidad en edad infantil. Los análisis reflejaron que existe una marcada tendencia conductista, positivista, neoliberal y acrítica en torno al género, la psicomotricidad y la corporalidad en los textos ministeriales considerados. De este modo, se estaría promoviendo una educación infantil que asume una actitud pasiva ante las injusticias sociales y los estereotipos de género de corte patriarcal. En este sentido, se estaría reproduciendo, en el profesorado y en el alumnado infantil, una racionalidad curricular técnica y tradicional.
Abstract: Formal education can be understood as a cultural activity that is influenced by multiple epistemological perspectives that are present in society. In addition, each nation has its own particularities based on its own unique history and citizenship. One of the theoretical currents that has had a pedagogical boom in recent years in Latin America is the feminist perspective, promoting gender equality. Considering this context, this essay was developed with the objective of analyzing from a critical and gender perspective four Chilean ministerial documents on psychomotricity and corporeality in early childhood. The analyses showed that there is a marked behaviourist, positivist, neoliberal and uncritical tendency towards gender, psychomotor skills and corporeality in the ministerial texts considered. In this way, it would be promoting an early childhood education that assumes a passive attitude towards social injustices and patriarchal gender stereotypes. In this sense, a technical and traditional curricular rationality is being reproduced among teachers and children.
The notion of self-branding has drawn myriad academic responses over the last decade. First popularised in a provocative piece published in Fast Company, self-branding has been criticised by some on ...theoretical, practical and ethical grounds, while others have endorsed and propelled the idea. This article considers how and why the concept of self-branding has become so prevalent. We contend that it parallels the growth of digital technology (particularly social media) embedded in the current political climate: neoliberal individualism. Another objective here is to imbue the concept of self-branding with a marketing perspective and show how the 'celebrities' of self-branding manifest at a marketing media nexus distinct to the opening decades of the twenty-first century. Building on literature from mostly media and cultural studies, this critique sees self-branding as a distortion of key branding principles that has obvious implications for its practitioners and advocates. The article shows that, despite inherent tensions and problematic ironies, self-branding persists through the rise of Social Media Influencers; we consider three of these whose fame and following was achieved via the practices and phenomena under consideration.
This essay examines Hungary’s Viktor Orbán, and his cultivation of a new form of authoritarian and hyper-nationalist neoliberalism, which I call ordonationalist. With particular emphasis placed on ...tracing resurgence of the national state, ordonationalism points to the neoliberal intensifications, but also the ruptures to neoliberalism through post-neoliberal advances, exemplified by the Hungarian state. Ordonationalism combines: (1) a newly empowered nationalist state invested in flexibilizing domestic labour and controlling access to domestic capitalist accumulation; (2) a national state captured by political actors as a means towards controlling access to domestic capital accumulation; (3) a novel regime of social reproduction, linking financialization, flexibilization of labour, steep decline in supporting social reproduction, and supporting consumption as a source of social reproduction. This project is hegemonic. However, the contradictions between radical neoliberalization and radical nationalism generate ever-more instances where an authoritarian state steps in to solve crises generated by its contradictions.
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