'Outstanding ... combines a glimpse behind the security screens with a sharp analysis of the real global insecurities - growing inequality and unsustainability' - New Internationalist Written in the ...late 1990s, Losing Control was years, if not decades, ahead of its time, predicting the 9/11 attacks, a seemingly endless war on terror and the relentless increase in revolts from the margins and bitter opposition to wealthy elites. Now, more than two decades later and in an era of pandemics, climate breakdown and potential further military activity in the Middle East, Asia and Africa, Paul Rogers has revised and expanded the original analysis, pointing to the 2030s and '40s as the decades that will see a showdown between a bitter, environmentally wrecked and deeply insecure world and a possible world order rooted in justice and peace.
In the twenty-first century, the Indo-Pacific has emerged as a crucial geostrategic region for trade, investment, energy supplies, cooperation, and competition. It presents complex maritime security ...challenges and interlocking economic interests that require the development of an overarching multilateral security framework. This volume develops common approaches by focusing on geopolitical challenges, transnational security concerns, and multilateral institution-building and cooperation. The chapters, written by practitioners, diplomats, policymakers, and scholars from the three major powers discussed (United States, China, India) explain the opportunities and risks in the Indo-Pacific region and identify specific naval measures needed to enhance maritime security in the region.
Due to the rapid development of technology after the Second World War, the way of conducting conflict has changed significantly. One of the branches of the armaments industry that has developed the ...most is space technology and related to it ballistic missiles. Undoubtedly, possession by international entity ballistic missile technology, especially in connection with weapons of mass destruction, increases the importance and role of this entity on the international arena. Therefore, the proliferation of this technology or ready-made missile systems has a significant impact on regional and international security. Therefore, in order to explain this phenomenon, the first part of the article describes the role of ballistic missiles for international security. In the second part, author describes varied ways how international actor, such a state or organization may come into possession of ballistic missiles and also the methods used to stop or limit proliferation i.e. counter- proliferation methods. The last part of this article describes the ways how selected examples states such us Egypt, People's Republic of China, Israel, India, North Korea, Iraq and South Africa have come into possession of ballistic missile technology. In connection with the above, it will be possible to show what proliferation of this kind of technology looked like and may look like in practice.
This electronic version has been made available under a Creative Commons (BY-NC-ND) open access license. Analyses the international response to the crisis in Kosovo, and its broader implications by ...examining its diplomatic, military and humanitarian features. Unravelling these implications can be challenging as it remains an event replete with paradoxes - the originality of this book's approach lies in its exploration of these paradoxes. The crisis in Kosovo has been a headline grabbing event - a serious study of the implications of the conflict on wider European security issues and institutions is urgently required.
Most scholars and policymakers claim that cyberspace favors the offense; a minority of scholars disagree. Sweeping claims about the offense-defense balance in cyberspace are misguided because the ...balance can be assessed only with respect to specific organizational skills and technologies. The balance is defined in dyadic terms, that is, the value less the costs of offensive operations and the value less the costs of defensive operations. The costs of cyber operations are shaped primarily by the organizational skills needed to create and manage complex information technology efficiently. The current success of offense results primarily from poor defensive management and the relatively simpler goals of offense; it can be very costly to exert precise physical effects using cyberweapons. An empirical analysis shows that the Stuxnet cyberattacks on Iran’s nuclear facilities very likely cost the offense much more than the defense. The perceived benefits of both the Stuxnet offense and defense, more-over, were likely two orders of magnitude greater than the perceived costs, making it unlikely that decisionmakers focused on costs.
Why does soft power conflict management meet with variable success over the course of a single mediation? InNested Security, Erin K. Jenne asserts that international conflict management is almost ...never a straightforward case of success or failure. Instead, external mediators may reduce communal tensions at one point but utterly fail at another point, even if the incentives for conflict remain unchanged. Jenne explains this puzzle using a "nested security" model of conflict management, which holds that protracted ethnic or ideological conflicts are rarely internal affairs, but rather are embedded in wider regional and/or great power disputes. Internal conflict is nested within a regional environment, which in turn is nested in a global environment. Efforts to reduce conflict on the ground are therefore unlikely to succeed without first containing or resolving inter-state or trans-state conflict processes.
Nested security is neither irreversible nor static: ethnic relations may easily go from nested security to nestedinsecurity when the regional or geopolitical structures that support them are destabilized through some exogenous pressure or shocks, including kin state intervention, transborder ethnic ties, refugee flows, or other factors related to regional conflict processes. Jenne argues that regional security regimes are ideally suited to the management of internal conflicts, because neighbors that have a strong incentive to work for stability provide critical hard-power backing to soft-power missions. Jenne tests her theory against two regional security regimes in Central and Eastern Europe: the interwar minorities regime under the League of Nations (German minorities in Central Europe, Hungarian minorities in the Carpathian Basin, and disputes over the Åland Islands, Memel, and Danzig), and the ad hoc security regime of the post-Cold War period (focusing on Russian-speaking minorities in the Baltic States and Albanian minorities in Montenegro, Macedonia, and northern Kosovo).
This book presents a range of analyses across the security spectrum, bringing a deep understanding of core global security challenges into contention with ongoing theoretical debates between critical ...and traditional approaches. Chapters analyse the evolving and shifting dynamics of geopolitics, prolonged armed conflicts, large-scale public health emergencies, and economic fractures. Additionally, authors discuss climate shocks, deepening social and economic inequity, trends in nationalism and populism, gendered violence, as well as challenges pertaining to cyber insecurity, emerging technologies, nuclear weapons, and global terrorism. The book illustrates these unparalleled circumstances, taken together with the epochal juncture expressed in the global pandemic, have evolved and coalesced to redefine the many complexities and oscillations of global security.
Before military action, and even before mobilization, the decision on whether to go to war is debated by politicians, pundits, and the public. As they address the right or wrong of such action, it is ...also a time when, in the language of the just war tradition, the wise would deeply investigate their true claim tojus ad bellum("the right of war"). Wars have negative consequences, not the least impinging on human life, and offer infrequent and uncertain benefits, yet war is part of the human condition.James G. Murphy's insightful analysis of thejus ad bellumcriteria-competent authority, just cause, right intention, probability of success, last resort, and proportionality-is grounded in a variety of contemporary examples from World War I through Vietnam, the "soccer war" between Honduras and El Salvador, Afghanistan, and the Middle East conflict. Murphy argues persuasively that understandingjus ad bellumrequires a primary focus on the international common good and the good of peace. Only secondarily should the argument about going to war hinge on the right of self-defense; in fact, pursuing the common good requires political action, given that peace is not simply the absence of violence. He moves on to demonstrate the interconnectedness of thejus ad bellumcriteria, contending that some criteria depend logically on others-and that competent authority, not just cause, is ultimately the most significant criterion in an analysis of going to war. This timely study will be of special interest to scholars and students in ethics, war and peace, and international affairs.
The security agenda in the Europe Union is linked to the member states' abilities to work together. This book explores a series of post-Brexit scenarios in an attempt to understand what Brexit will ...mean for the European Union in terms of its security.
