Autori donose
prijepis programskog teksta istaknutog pripadnika Demokratske stranke
slavonsko-srijemskog prostora, odvjetnika i (kako se tada govorilo) kraljevskog
javnog bilježnika u Slatini Zdravka ...Kovačevića. U njemu se iznose razmišljanja
o ključnom unutarnjem političkom problemu Kraljevine Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca,
nezadovoljstvu Hrvata novonastalim stanjem, s posebnim naglaskom na ideologiju
jugoslavenskog unitarizma. Protkana su (zbog slabe očuvanosti stranačkog i
drugog arhivskog gradiva) vrijednim (i u historiografiji uglavnom zanemarenim)
osobnim iskustvima koja je Kovačević imao u prvim godinama političkog
djelovanja u novoj državi. Dokument je popraćen temeljnim podatcima o samom
Kovačeviću i kraćom analizom teksta, kao i motivima kojima je potaknut te
reakcijama na nj.
The authors have provided a copy of the party programme of the lawyer and, as he was referred to at the time, royal notary Zdravko Kovačević in Slatina, a distinguished member of the Democratic Party in the Slavonian-Syrmian area. The text provides reflections on the crucial inner political issue of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, the discontent of the Croats with the new conditions, with special emphasis on the ideology of Yugoslav unitarism. They are (due to the poor state of preservation of party political and other archival records) interwoven with Kovačević’s valuable (but mostly disregarded in historiography) personal experience during the first years of his political activities in the new state. The document also provides basic information about Kovačević as well as a brief analysis of the text, his
motives and the reactions to it.
This study aimed to reveal differences in exposure to coronavirus disease (COVID-19) during the first (W1) and the second (W2) waves of the pandemic in six countries among university students and to ...show the prevalence and associations between exposure to COVID-19 and coronavirus-related post-traumatic stress syndrome (PTSD) risk during W2. The repeated cross-sectional study was conducted among university students from Germany, Poland, Russia, Slovenia, Turkey, and Ukraine (W1: n = 1684; W2: n = 1741). Eight items measured exposure to COVID-19 (regarding COVID-19 symptoms, testing, hospitalizing quarantine, infected relatives, death of relatives, job loss, and worsening economic status due to the COVID-19 pandemic). Coronavirus-related PTSD risk was evaluated by PCL-S. The exposure to COVID-19 symptoms was higher during W2 than W1 among students from all countries, except Germany, where, in contrast, the increase in testing was the strongest. Students from Poland, Turkey, and the total sample were more frequently hospitalized for COVID-19 in W2. In these countries, and Ukraine, students were more often in quarantine. In all countries, participants were more exposed to infected friends/relatives and the loss of a family member due to COVID-19 in W2 than W1. The increase in job loss due to COVID-19 was only noted in Ukraine. Economic status during W2 only worsened in Poland and improved in Russia. This was due to the significant wave of restrictions in Russia and more stringent restrictions in Poland. The prevalence of coronavirus-related PTSD risk at three cutoff scores (25, 44, and 50) was 78.20%, 32.70%, and 23.10%, respectively. The prediction models for different severity of PTSD risk differed. Female gender, a prior diagnosis of depression, a loss of friends/relatives, job loss, and worsening economic status due to the COVID-19 were positively associated with high and very high coronavirus-related PTSD risk, while female gender, a prior PTSD diagnosis, experiencing COVID-19 symptoms, testing for COVID-19, having infected friends/relatives and worsening economic status were associated with moderate risk.
This paper aims to bring to the public one of the most important moments in the history of modern times of Albania. After the Albanian independence on 28 November 1912 and international recognition ...of Albanian state July 1913, in 1919-1920, many national and international events unraveled which initially posed a real danger for Albania to become an independent state. The Paris Peace Conference, organized after the First World War by the Great Powers which win the war, and in which 27 winning states took part, became the real world center of that time. The Albanian point of view was headed directly at this Conference, with the hope to gain its independence and to win the right of self determination for its people. The main issues of the Conference were: border correction, especially in the southern part of Albania, relations between the Balkan states regarding Albania, the position of Italy, Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, and the position of Greece over Albania, and the real threat of secret pact during the First World War and the new role of American President, Woodrow Wilson. This paper also aims to bring the attitude of the Albanian delegation at the Paris Peace Conference and the position of Italy, France, Great Britain and Greece.
From Kurdistan to Somaliland, Xinjiang to South Yemen, all secessionist movements hope to secure newly independent states of their own. Most will not prevail. The existing scholarly wisdom provides ...one explanation for success, based on authority and control within the nascent states. With the aid of an expansive new dataset and detailed case studies, this book provides an alternative account. It argues that the strongest members of the international community have a decisive influence over whether today's secessionists become countries tomorrow and that, most often, their support is conditioned on parochial political considerations.
Autor analizira stavove slovenskih katoličko-narodnjačkih i liberalnih časopisa glede državnopravnih pitanja u razdoblju od Sarajevskoga atentata 1914. do zagrebačkoga sastanka u ožujku 1918. ...Katoličko-narodnjačka Slovenska pučka stranka početkom rata zauzela je snažan protusrpski stav. Dok je na vanjskopolitičkom planu dio stranke zazivao vojno kažnjavanje Srbije, na unutarnjem stranka unisono zastupa ideju hrvatsko-slovenske državne jedinice unutar Habsburške Monarhije. Slovenski su liberali na drugoj strani, unatoč osudi čina atentata, osuđivali protusrpske demonstracije te pritom naglašavali odgovornost austrougarske politike za eskalaciju rata. Uslijed širih makrogeopolitičkih događaja, prije svega povećanja vjerojatnosti Antantine pobjede, koja je povećavala strah pred implementacijom Londonskoga ugovora, te činjenice da su velikonjemački austrijski krugovi iskoristili rat protiv Srbije za širu protu(jugo)slavensku kampanju u kojoj se svaka emancipacijska težnja Slovenaca i Hrvata prikazivala kao protudržavni element, slovenski katolički narodnjaci mijenjaju strategiju. Nakon uviđanja da ni iskazivanje najsnažnijih proaustrijskih emocija te ulaganje iznimno velikih napora u predočavanje razlike između slovensko-hrvatske trijalističke vizije i velikosrpskoga koncepta neće uroditi plodom, slovenski su katolički narodnjaci krenuli putem okrupnjavanja vlastitoga političkog legitimiteta preko zauzimanja vodećih pozicija u zastupničkim tijelima austrougarskih Južnih Slavena. Budući da je za to bila potrebna i suradnja sa slovenskim liberalima te austrougarskim Srbima, taj je obrat implicirao i prihvaćanje širega južnoslavenskoga koncepta.
The author analyzes the views of Slovenian Catholic populist and liberal magazines regarding Slovenian and South Slavic statehood issues in the period from the assassination in Sarajevo in 1914 to the meeting in Zagreb in March 1918. At the beginning of the war, the Slovenian People's Party (SLS) took a strong anti-Serbian position and even called for military intervention in Serbia. At the same time, the party unanimously advocated the idea of a Slovene-Croatian state unit within the Habsburg Monarchy as the key political goal. Slovenian liberals, on the other hand, despite condemning the act of assassination, criticized the anti-Serbian demonstrations and emphasized the responsibility of Austro-Hungarian policy for the escalation of the war. As a result of wider macro-geopolitical events, foremost the increased probability of the Entente's victory, which implied the possibility of the implementation of the London Pact, as well as the use by Great German circles in Austria of the war against Serbia for a wider anti-(South) Slavic campaign in which every Slovenian and/or Croatian emancipatory aspiration was portrayed as an anti-state element, Slovenian Catholic populists changed their political direction. After realizing that even expressing the strongest pro-Austrian emotions and investing very great efforts in presenting the difference between the Slovenian-Croatian trialist vision and the Greater Serbian concept would not bear fruit, the SLS decided to change its strategy and to consolidate its own political legitimacy by attaining leading positions in the representative bodies of the Austro-Hungarian South Slavs. Since this required collaboration with Slovenian liberals and Austro-Hungarian Serbs, it also implied the acceptance of a broader South Slavic concept.
The article, a revised version of a lecture given at the Institute for Ethnic Studies in Ljubljana, discusses the domestic and international dimensions of minority politics in postNazi Carinthia. ...Based on archival research in Britain, Austria and Slovenia (Yugoslavia) it argues that despite Austria's transition from National Socialist rule to post-war democracy there was evidence of a basic continuity in the stigmatisation (and self-stigmatisation) of the Slovene minority. This continuity largely explains why Carinthian politics moved in an increasingly anti-Slovene direction in the 1950s, leading in 1958 to the demolition of the bilingual school system which had been introduced in 1945. The international dimension, Yugoslavia's territorial claim, the policies of the West and the Cold War are also discussed but the article argues that they were secondary to the dynamics of provincial politics.
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