This paper aims to bring to the public one of the most important moments in the history of modern times of Albania. After the Albanian independence on 28 November 1912 and international recognition ...of Albanian state on 29 July 1913, in 1919-1920, many national and international events unraveled which initially posed a real danger for Albania to become an independent state. The Paris Peace Conference, organized after the First World War by the Great Powers which win the war, and in which 27 winning states took part, became the real world center of that time. The Albanian point of view was headed directly at this Conference, with the hope to gain its independence and to win the right of self determination for its people. The main issues of the Conference were: border correction, especially in the southern part of Albania, relations between the Balkan states regarding Albania, the position of Italy, Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, and the position of Greece over Albania, and the real threat of secret pact during the First World War and the new role of American President, Woodrow Wilson. This paper also aims to bring the attitude of the Albanian delegation at the Paris Peace Conference and the position of Italy, France, Great Britain and Greece.
El tema del texto es definir los aspectos clave del Art Déco como un segmento integral de la historia cultural en la región a la que pertenecía y hacia la que gravitaba Croacia en las décadas de los ...1920 y 1930.
This article explores visual arts and literature in the Slovenian diasporic community in Argentina, founded by post-World-War-II refugees who fled Slovenia at the end of the war and the beginning of ...the communist revolution in Yugoslavia. Based on the ethnographic data collected among the Slovenes in Argentina and biographical interviews with selected Slovene artists, the article addresses how art and cultural production in the diaspora, imbued with social memories and themes of war, violence, mass executions in the post-war period, and exile from the homeland is encompassed in three levels of cultural policies: (a) an Argentinean framework of cultural pluralism that integrated migrant communities into the national identity and narrative, allowing them to preserve and express their ethnic and cultural backgrounds and identities; (b) a diasporic level that institutionalized specific themes important for diasporic ideologies, some explicitly related to violence, exile, and mass executions; and (c) a transnational level that facilitated the integration of artists from the diaspora into Slovenian and international “art worlds”. These cultural policies were often contradictory and required artists to shift between inclusion in the Argentinean art domain and the diasporic one, which favored partial social exclusivism.
The Three Versions of the Ultimatum Game Pavlović, Dušan; Đurašković, Stevo
Anali Hrvatskog politološkog društva,
01/2021, Letnik:
18, Številka:
1
Journal Article
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
We examine the 1914-1918 creation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes as a form of the ultimatum game. The negotiations among the Serbian Cabinet and the yugoslav Committee representatives ...of the Habsburg Souths Slavs from 1914-1918 exemplify three versions of this game. The first version is a typical (rational choice) type of the ultimatum game in which the receiver is satisfied with any offer by the Proposer. The second version is an instance of behavioral game theory. When the Proposer gives an unfair offer, it provokes an emotional reaction in the receiver who will reject it at the cost of harming themselves. We observe this behavior in the emotional behavior of frano Supilo, a Croat and one of the leaders of the yugoslav Committee. The third version of the behavioral ultimatum game can be observed in the behavior of Serbian Prime minister nikola Pašić who opposed any concessions to the yugoslav Committee, thus giving an ultimatum to the Croat side to accept the Serbian offer or remain with nothing, which was harmful to the Serbian side, too. This example is important because it produces two conclusions. first, historical games are often a mixture of several versions. Second, Proposers, too, can have an emotional reaction and give an offer that can hurt themselves. This aspect of the ultimatum game is less mentioned because it is difficult to simulate in experiments.
U članku se analizira stvaranje Kraljevine Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca 19141918 kao oblik igre ultimatuma. rad pokazuje kako se pregovori između Vlade Kraljevine Srbije i Jugoslavenskog odbora oko stvaranja zajedničke južnoslavenske države odvijaju putem triju verzija igre ultimatuma. Prva verzija je standardni model racionalnog izbora, gdje Primatelj prihvaća svaku ponudu koju nudi Ponuditelj. Druga verzija je primjer bihevioralne igre ultimatuma, gdje nekorektna ponuda Ponuditelja izaziva odbijanje od strane Primatelja pod cijenu štete koju trpi Primatelj. Članak pokazuje tu vrstu ponašanja na primjeru djelovanja frane Supila, jednoga od vođa Jugoslavenskog odbora. Treća verzija je primjer bihevioralne igre ultimatuma gdje ponuditelj inzistira na ponudi koje može ići na njegovu štetu. ona se može uočiti u ponašanju srbijanskog premijera nikole Pašića koji se usprotivio bilo kakvim ustupcima Jugoslavenskom odboru, dajući tako ultimatum hrvatskoj strani da prihvati srpsku ponudu ili ostane bez ičega, što bi bilo štetno i za srpsku stranu. ovaj primjer je važan jer upućuje na dva zaključka. Prvo, povijesne igre često su mješavina nekoliko verzija. Drugo, Ponuditelj također može imati emocionalnu reakciju i dati ponudu kojom može našteti sebi. ovaj se aspekt igre ultimatuma manje spominje jer ga je teško simulirati u eksperimentima.
Učitelj i politika Miškulin, Ivica
Scrinia Slavonica,
12/2021, Letnik:
21, Številka:
1
Journal Article, Paper
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
U radu autor ocjenjuje političko djelovanje učitelja i člana Demokratske te
Samostalne demokratske stranke Ivana Trdića u Novoj Kapeli (kotar Nova
Gradiška) i Stražemanu (kotar Požega). Čitatelj se ...posebno upućuje na analizu
stalnih političkih sukoba koje je ovaj deklarirani pristaša unitarnog
jugoslavenstva, centralizirane države i Svetozara Pribićevića imao s pristašama
hrvatske seljačke republike Stjepana Radića u seoskim sredinama u kojima je
službovao. Također, rad pokazuje karakteristične probleme s kojima su se
pripadnici radikalne ideologije jugoslavenskog nacionalizma morali nositi u
hrvatskim seoskim sredinama, kao i neke posljedice opće politizacije
prosvjetnog sustava koje je djelovanje demokrata i samostalnih demokrata proizvelo
u Hrvatskoj i Slavoniji.
The descriptive analysis and analytical assessment show that Ivan Trdić’s crucial basic idea was the political ideology of the Yugoslav unitarism. Embodied by its belonging first to the Democratic and later the Independent Democratic Party as well as by the loyalty to Svetozar Pribičević, it was also characterized by the assimilationism, the denial
of ethnic and other realities, ahistoricism, favouritism towards Serbia
and the Serbs as well as by exclusiveness and violence. In view of the fact that Croatian rural communities (particularly Nova Kapela) reacted equally sharply to the intrusive and repressive Yugoslavism, by identifying exclusively with Croatian political parties and at times using violence, Trdić’s position in these parties was from the beginning
rather delicate. After the first electoral defeats had put the democrats in the position of an isolated minority identified with violent Serbianisation and regime violence, they responded with still more vehement reliance on the machinery of government, which naturally produced an even deeper hostility among the local Croatian peasantry. Once the circuit of radical exclusiveness was closed, it fed upon itself, and Trdić’s role in its establishment in a Croatian rural community in the western Slavonian area was an excellent illustration of
processes that also unfolded in other regions. The political weaknesses
of the democrats and independent democrats prevented Trdić from going beyond the local scope; however, the characteristic inclination of both Trdić and his associates to administrative violence to a large extent affected the educational system. Firstly, he used Pribičević’s political
influence to expel real and imaginary enemies from the majority of primary schools in the Nova Gradiška district and to enrol supporters and members of the Democratic party; subsequently he was appointed school principal in Nova Kapela. Trdić enjoyed his heyday only for a short time: in line with the fall of Pribičević, he was transferred from
Nova Kapela and for several years he was relatively passive in Stražeman; certain issues, typical of his employment in Nova Kapela, arose during that period. At the beginning of 1929 Aleksandar Karađorđević’s dictatorship provided new opportunities for Yugoslav nationalists, among others also for Trdić; more on this subsequently.
Borba protiv „bacila Rajković, Ana
Scrinia Slavonica,
12/2021, Letnik:
21, Številka:
1
Journal Article, Paper
Recenzirano
Odprti dostop
Jedna od osnovnih karakteristika represivne vlasti u međuratnoj Jugoslaviji svakako je bilo i suzbijanje širenja komunističkih odnosno boljševičkih ideja u radničkom pokretu
nakon Prvog svjetskog ...rata. Ovo je uvelike bilo uvjetovano povratkom ruskih
zarobljenika, tj. vojnika Austro-Ugarske Monarhije koji su tijekom zarobljeništva prihvatili ideju boljševizma te koju su potom pokušali prenijeti na teritorij novouspostavljene Kraljevine. Ovi su se „oktobarci“, kako ih je kasnija historiografija nazvala, vraćali i na slavonsko područje, prvenstveno u gradove poput Osijeka i Vukovara. U kontekstu navedenoga cilj je rada, na temelju arhivske građe, kao i onodobnog tiska, analizirati načine na koje su vlasti vršile ovo suzbijanje, pri čemu se slavonsko područje promatra u širem društveno-političkom kontekstu, kako bi se
dobila potpunija analiza djelovanja represivnog sustava, ali i načina transferiranja ideja na ovo područje. Kreiranje antiboljševičke politike interpretirano je okviru komparativne metode te teorijskog modela nizozemskog teoretičara T. A. van Dijka.
One of the basic characteristics of the repressive government of Yugoslavia between the two World Wars certainly was also the inhibition of the spreading of communist, i.e. Bolshevik ideas in the labour movement after World War I, which was to a great extent ascribable to the return of Russian prisoners, that is to say soldiers of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy who had during their imprisonment accepted the
idea of Bolshevism and accordingly tried to transfer it to the territory of the newly established Kingdom. These “adherents of the October Revolution”, as they were later named in historiography, returned to the Slavonian area, primarily to the towns Osijek and Vukovar. The objective of this paper in this context is to analyse on the basis of archival materials and then newspapers how the government imposed the restraint, the Slavonian area being viewed in a broader social-political context in order to provide a more complete analysis of
the activities of the repressive system but also of how ideas were transferred in this area. The creation of an anti-Bolshevik policy has been interpreted in the scope of the comparative method and the theoretical model of the Dutch theorist T. A. van Dijk.
Language policy in Slovenia Novak-Lukanovič, Sonja; Limon, David
Language, culture, and curriculum,
03/2012, Letnik:
25, Številka:
1
Journal Article
Recenzirano
The historical background, political changes, migration processes, EU membership and the current socio-linguistic situation have all influenced language policy and language planning in Slovenia. This ...article presents the most important aspects of language policy in Slovenia with a focus on the concept of linguistic diversity. The ethnic make-up of Slovenia, including the differing statuses and rights of specific groups, is described in order to facilitate an understanding of language policy. The role of language within education is explored, in particular in relation to bilingual education in ethnically mixed areas. Two models of bilingual education (involving Slovene plus Italian or Hungarian) are presented and finally pupils' attitudes towards these models and the minority language involved, obtained through an empirical research project, are discussed.
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