More so than other types of social actors, the professions in modern society have assumed leading roles in the creation and tending of institutions. They are the preeminent institutional agents of ...our time. Different professions work in various ways: some attempt to create general cultural-cognitive frameworks; others to devise normative prescriptions to guide behavior; and still others to exercise coercive authority. Also, individual professionals assume varying roles within their professional community: some concentrate on devising and testing general principles, others transport these ideas to varying communities; and still others work to apply the principles to individual cases. Professions themselves adhere to an institutional model, but this model has undergone important changes over time.
This article develops a framework to examine the co-constitutive nature of performance and politics and to suggest that such a framework is critical to promoting an interdisciplinary approach to ...understanding our complex political world. It does this by disaggregating the component parts of political performance and suggesting how, once these are made visible, we are able to reflect upon more complex processes of its re-aggregation into our analysis of politics. The framework is constituted along two axes – one that maps individual performance, which is nevertheless socially embedded; and the other that charts the political effects of performance. The framework allows us to reflect upon social and political institutions, movements and events and analyse these through the prism of performance and politics. The empirical core of the article is the Indian parliament.
In the current land deals debate, land dispossession is often attributed to exploitative acts of agricultural investors. However, the role of equally active actors in the making of land deals such as ...chiefs, who customarily are custodians of land, does not feature prominently in the debate. The paper shows that the recent surge in large-scale land deals in Ghana corresponds with chiefs' pre-existing motivation to re-establish authority over land for two reasons: firstly, to formalise the use of 'stool land' to create rural development opportunities; secondly, to formalise boundaries of 'stool land' to avert potential future land litigations. Social groups lacking recognition from chiefs therefore often lose land, whereas land areas of those persons recognised by chiefs are protected, sometimes even regardless of their 'citizenship' identity in project villages. The author argues that an understanding of how local social institutions and politics mediate investment in land will enrich analyses of processes of land dispossession.
•Climate change reduces gender equality.•Gendered disparities in climate change vulnerability drive this process.•A state's wealth, politics, and agricultural dependence influence the ...impact.•Adaptation and mitigation policies should also include attention to gender issues.
It is commonly accepted that women can be more vulnerable than men to the adverse environmental effects of climate change. This paper evaluates whether the unequal distribution of costs women bear as a result of climate change are reflected across broader macro-social institutions to the detriment of gender equality and women's rights. It argues that gender disparities in climate change vulnerability not only reflect preexisting gender inequalities, they also reinforce them. Inequalities in the ownership and control of household assets and rising familial burdens due to male out-migration, declining food and water access, and increased disaster exposure can undermine women's ability to achieve economic independence, enhance human capital, and maintain health and wellbeing. Consequences for gender equality include reductions in intra-household bargaining power, as women become less capable of generating independent revenue. Outside the home, norms of gender discrimination and gender imbalances in socio-economic status should increase as women are less able to participate in formal labor markets, join civil society organizations, or collectively mobilize for political change. The outcome of these processes can reduce a society's level of gender equality by increasing constraints on the advancement of laws and norms that promote co-equal status. I empirically test this relationship across a sample of developing states between 1981 and 2010. The findings suggest that climate shocks and climatic disasters exert a broadly negative impact on gender equality, as deviations from long-term mean temperatures and increasing incidence of climatological and hydro-meteorological disasters are associated with declines in women's economic and social rights. These effects appear to be most salient in states that are relatively less-democratic, with greater dependence on agriculture, and lower levels of economic development.
► We review the literature on inventory and supply chain management of blood products. ► We classify 98 papers and identify trends with respect to 8 perspectives. ► The majority of papers study a ...stochastic setting and feature some form of practical implementation.
This paper presents a review of the literature on inventory and supply chain management of blood products. First, we identify different perspectives on approaches to classifying the existing material. Each perspective is presented as a table in which the classification is displayed. The classification choices are exemplified through the citation of key references or by expounding the features of the perspective. The main contribution of this review is to facilitate the tracing of published work in relevant fields of interest, as well as identifying trends and indicating which areas should be subject to future research.
•We study the impacts of women’s Self-help group membership on women’s and men’s empowerment.•We measure empowerment using two alternate indices: the A-WEAI and the Pro-WEAI.•We find that SHG ...membership has a significant positive impact on aggregate measures of women’s empowerment.•We also find that SHG membership reduces the gap between men’s and women’s empowerment scores.•The impacts are driven by increase in control over income, decisionmaking over credit, and active involvement in groups.
Women’s groups are important rural social and financial institutions in South Asia. In India, a large majority of women’s groups programs are implemented through self-help groups (SHGs). Originally designed as savings and credit groups, the role of SHGs has expanded to include creating health and nutrition awareness, improving governance, and addressing social issues related to gender- and caste-based discrimination. This paper uses panel data from 1470 rural Indian women from five states to study the impact of SHG membership on women’s empowerment in agriculture, using the project-level Women’s Empowerment in Agriculture Index (pro-WEAI) and the abbreviated Women’s Empowerment in Agriculture Index (A-WEAI). Because SHG membership was not randomized and women who self-select to be SHG members may be systematically different from non-members, we employ nearest neighbor matching methods to attribute the impact of SHG membership on women’s empowerment in agriculture and intrahousehold inequality.
Our findings suggest that SHG membership has a significant positive impact on aggregate measures of women’s empowerment and reduces the gap between men’s and women’s empowerment scores. This improvement in aggregate empowerment is driven by improvements in women’s scores, not a deterioration in men’s. Greater control over income, greater decisionmaking over credit, and (somewhat mechanistically, given the treatment) greater and more active involvement in groups within the community lead to improvements in women’s scores. However, impacts on other areas of empowerment are limited. The insignificant impacts on attitudes towards domestic violence and respect within the household suggest that women’s groups alone may be insufficient to change deep-seated gender norms that disempower women. Our results have implications for the design and scale-up of women’s group-based programs in South Asia, including the possibility that involving men is needed to change gender norms.
We adopted an institutional approach to examine the relationship between environmental awareness and pro‐environmental behavioral intention at the individual level. We also compared the moderating ...effects of regulative, normative, and cognitive social institutions on this relationship. Based on survey data representing 42,962 consumers from 39 nations, we found that consumers' environmental awareness promoted their pro‐environmental behavioral intention. Moreover, we found that normative social institutions negatively moderated the relationship between environmental awareness and pro‐environmental behavioral intention, whereas cognitive social institutions positively moderated this relationship. This paper concludes with a discussion of the implications of these empirical findings.
This article analyzes the European Union's reactions to breaches of liberal democratic practices in Hungary and Romania during 2012–13 in order to assess its capacity to lock in democracy in the ...Member States. The article finds that a combination of partisan politics and weak normative consensus thwarted the EU's ability to use the sanctioning mechanism of Article 7. The effectiveness of alternative instruments that EU institutions used – social pressure, infringement procedures and issue linkage – varied across issues and countries. In Hungary, changes to illiberal practices generally remained limited, but differences in the EU's material leverage explain cross‐issue variation. The EU's relative success in Romania suggests that it is not necessarily powerless against democratic backsliding. It might require a demanding constellation of favourable conditions for both social and material pressure, but there are grounds for a more optimistic interpretation that material leverage might be unnecessary if the conditions for social pressure are favourable.
Protests offline, under the conditions of the COVID-19 pandemic and regulations such as a stay-at-home, require the adaptation of existing tactics and/or the use of innovative tools in the contention ...repertoire. This adaptation concerns restrictions related to pandemic measures, the lockdown of businesses/institutions, and social distancing along with access to resources, protesters' security, and the no-harm principle. This paper provides examples of protests which have occurred since March 2020, under four categories: (1) tactics adjusted to pandemic-related limitations, (2) tactics that are an essence of such limitations, (3) tactics related to opposition to the lockdown, and (4) protest tactics use framed as 'pandemic'. In the first section, I show how street protest (if permitted at all) is strengthened by symbolic action and how inability to refer to the 'logic of numbers' subjects the tactics to the 'logic of bearing witness.' However, the challenges and tactical limitations do not apply to the opponents of lockdown, breaking the rules of the sanitary regime. The demonstrations against the lockdown preserve the positive effects of street protests and even strengthen them. Discussion concerning high-risk protest actions under threat of infection results, however, in medicalization of political contention.
Sprawiedliwość jest obszarem badań naukowych i przedmiotem dzieł teoretycznych, podobnie jak kategorie prawdy, piękna czy racjonalności. W tym opracowaniu, poza niektórymi rozważaniami o ...sprawiedliwości o charakterze ogólnym, koncentruję się na problematyce sprawiedliwości z punktu widzenia zainteresowań i dorobku teoretycznego ekonomii, a także na zagadnieniu sprawiedliwości terytorialnej. Na pytanie: czym jest sprawiedliwość terytorialna? – propozycja mojej odpowiedzi jest następująca: sprawiedliwość terytorialna jest taką formą sprawiedliwości społecznej, która, oprócz podstawowych cech związanych z tym pojęciem, w odniesieniu do jednostek i grup społecznych bierze pod uwagę ich przestrzenne uwarunkowania, traktując przestrzeń (terytorium) jako potencjalną i realną barierę dostępu do zasad sprawiedliwości.
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