The paper analyses the correspondence between Josip Juraj Strossmayer and Lujo Vojnović (1885-1892). Five letters from this period have been included as an Appendix, with a critical apparatus. The ...remainder of the correspondence, covering the years 1893-1901, with a total of nine letters, will be analysed in Part II, likewise with full transcription. Special attention has been paid to those letters that refer to some crucial international aspects of Croatian politics. Strictly speaking, when it comes to the correspondence from 1885 to 1892, in addition to Vojnović’s letter to Strossmayer of June 5, 1885, which has already been a subject of scholarly analysis, this includes only two other letters: Vojnović’s from July 23, 1892, in which he asked Bishop Strossmayer to support his memorandum in French to the famous British statesman William Ewart Gladstone, in which Vojnović recommended him the Croatian-Hungarian Settlement (1868) as a template for the Home Rule Bill, which Gladstone proposed to the British Parliament in 1886 and 1893; and Strossmayer’s reply to that letter of July 25, 1892, in which, instead of supporting Vojnović’s initiative, he presented a series of critical objections about the Hungarians and their hegemonic policy towards the Croats in the Hungarian-Croatian Kingdom and generally towards non-Hungarian peoples in Transleithania, the Hungarian half of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy (1867). In his reply to Vojnović, Strossmayer also presented some racist and pseudo-anthropological objections about the Hungarians, whom he considered unable to overcome feudal social organization and establish modern civil institutions. He attached another letter with the same date to this reply, asking Vojnović to seal it and send it to Gladstone together with his own letter. This second letter likewise contains a number of critical objections about the Hungarians and their hegemonic politics. Regarding the scope of Strossmayer’s influence in shaping Gladstone’s critical views on the Hungarians and their policy towards the non-ruling peoples of Transleithania, especially towards the Croats in the Hungarian-Croatian Kingdom, it should be pointed out that Gladstone, who won his fourth and last electoral mandate in 1892, not only refused to support Strossmayer in his criticism of the Hungarians, but did not even reply to his letter of July 25, 1892. The author of this paper argues that Gladstone did so mainly for pragmatic political reasons, considering that he was otherwise in very cordial and friendly relations with Strossmayer: Great Britain was at that time providing strong support to the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy as an important balancing factor in European politics, an obstacle to both Russian expansionism towards the West and German progress in the East. Therefore, if it all came down to Gladstone alone, the results of Strossmayer’s efforts to expose Hungary’s repressive policies against the non-Hungarian peoples of Transleithania in Great Britain would have been insignificant. However, they found an extremely strong resonance with another Briton, likewise very influential: it was Robert William Seton-Watson, who published a fragment of Strossmayer’s sealed letter to Gladstone as an appendix to his book The Southern Slav Question and the Habsburg Monarchy (1911), while in another book, Racial Problems in Hungary (1908), starting not only from Strossmayer’s ideas in this regard, but also from the results of his own research and insights, he informed the European public about the hegemonic policy of the Hungarian political elites towards the non-Hungarian peoples in the Kingdom of Hungary, especially the discriminatory towards the Slovaks, based on strong cultural prejudices. Taking into account that this problem of the Hungarian attitude towards the non-Hungarian peoples of Transleithania aroused great interest among British historians and journalists, the correspondence between J. J. Strossmayer and L. Vojnović from July 1892 has also been considered in the wider context of Croatian-British and Hungarian-British discussions and confrontations in this regard. As Strossmayer’s racist objections against the Hungarians played an important role therein, this paper focuses particularly on the national stereotypes and racist narratives in the political and scholarly discourse of the time. By analysing several scholarly and journalist publications from the mid-19th century until the end of the first decade of the 20th, the author argues that national stereotypes, including the racist narrative, articulated to support one’s critical hypotheses about other nations, were almost equally present in Croatian and Hungarian, as well as in British authors who dealt with this issue at the time, although, of course, in different proportions. Thus, traces of such discourse can be found even in Seton-Watson, who tried to avoid it in every way and condemned it on principle. This, again, means that Strossmayer’s racist and xenophobic formulations about the Hungarians were in no way an exception, but rather a segment of the racist narrative that was prevalent at the time, spilling over from the public and political into the scholarly domain. In this sense, this paper can be understood as a critical analysis of a communication discourse present in the 19th and early 20th centuries that was inappropriate from an ethical and scholarly points of view, based as it was on quasi-historiographical, pseudo-anthropological, and racist stereotypes, which today would be completely inacceptable, especially in view of the obligation to respect the prescribed ethical norms in scholarly work and public activity.
Velika Britanja je referendumom odlučila napustiti EU. Od prvih ekonomskih združivanja europskih zemalja, pokazivala je interes isključivo za stvaranje liberalnih integracija u kojima bi Britanci ...maskimalno sačuvali svoju autonomnost, odbacujući reciprocitet u bilo kojem smislu. Neadekvatna veličina tržišta prouzročila je nezadovoljavajući gospodarski rast i razvoj, ali i implicirala zahtjevima za članstvom u europskim integracijama. Polupripadnost EU i otvorena sklonost Americi na jednoj strani i stalni rast euroskeptita na drugoj, rezultirala je BEXIT-om odnosno referendumom koji je izrazio negativan stav većine Britanaca prema ostanku u EU, odnosno utvrdio stajalište, desetljećima popularizirano, da je EU projekt protiv interesa naroda i njihovog suvereniteta. Ovaj rad je svojevrsna analiza ponašanja i uloge Velike Britanije u europskim integracijama od prvih europskih združivanja do referendumske odluke Britanaca da napuste EU.
Koncept vojne potrošnje je star koliko i prve stare civilizacije. Vojska je, kao prva i jedina crta obrane,
oduvijek imala veliku ulogu u potrošnji zemalja. Vojna potrošnja se mijenjala kroz povijest ...baš kao i
shvaćanje vojnih snaga koje su predstavljale vojnu silu neke zemlje. Razvojem društva pojavili su se
mnogi drugi prioriteti po pitanju državne potrošnje, no s obzirom na to da je usmjerena na obranu
stanovništva, održavanje mira i očuvanje državnih granica kao primarnih oblika javnog dobra, vojna
potrošnja je zadržala svoj status kroz cjelokupnu povijest čovječanstva.
Globalizirani svijet u kakvom danas živimo je sve to promijenio, posebno kad govorimo o obrani
države od stranih i domaćih prijetnji. Razvoj tehnologije i sama globalizacija su drastično promijenile
koncept ratovanja a time i samu strukturu i razinu vojne potrošnje. Tehnološka razina je jedan od
najboljih pokazatelja razvoja jedne zemlje, no i snage njene vojske. Naravno, vojnu silu je teško
održati bez jednako adekvatne gospodarske sile jer su upravo razvijeno gospodarstvo i jaka industrija
ono što omogućuje razvoj obrambenog potencijala zemlje i njegovo financiranje.
Autor prikazuje historijski razvoj odnosa crkve i države u Velikoj Britaniji od engleskog crkvenog raskola 1534. godine sve do suvremenih promjena. U skladu s pristupom historijskog ...institucionalizma, rad nastoji identificirati ključne prekretnice u odnosima crkve i države, koje su u bitnome određivale stvaranje suvremenog britanskog modela odnosa države i crkve. Budući da se u prikazima odnosa crkve i države u Europi britanski model često simplificirano opisuje kao model “državne crkve”, ovaj rad nastoji prikazati neke od ključnih karakteristika pravno-političkog uređenja odnosa prema crkvama te društvene promjene koje dovode do modifikacija idealtipskog modela “državne crkve”. Pri tome se posebno značajnom čini debata o multikulturnom društvu u Velikoj Britaniji, kao i mogućnosti i ograničenja različitih teorija multikulturalizma. Budući da je britanski model odnosa crkve i države reprezentativan za slične modele u skandinavskim zemljama, vrijednost istraživanja može se proširiti i na europsku razinu pronalaženja jedinstvenog zajedničkog pristupa dijalogu s crkvama, vjerskim zajednicama i zajednicama ateističkih i agnostičkih uvjerenja.
U radu se komparativno istražuje te se daje pregled sustava upravljanja učinkovitošću u četirima europskim zemljama: Velikoj Britaniji (pritom se zasebno analizira Englesku, Škotsku i Wales), ...Austriji, Italiji i Danskoj. U svakoj zemlji opisuje se način mjerenja učinkovitosti na lokalnoj ili središnjoj razini vlasti, temeljne svrhe za koje se informacije dobivene mjerenjem koriste, period kada je sustav uveden i mijenjan, glavno tijelo koje je zaduženo za sustav te stvarni efekti do kojih je sustav doveo. Uz opis i objašnjenje stanja, kategoriziraju se zemlje s obzirom na razvijenost sustava upravljanja učinkovitošću. Uz to, cilj je rada i primjena komparativnih iskustava kako bi se formulirale preporuke za unaprjeđenje upravljanja učinkovitošću u Hrvatskoj, stoga se prikazuje i postojeći sustav upravljanja učinkovitošću u Hrvatskoj.
Fire in the dark Buckler, Sarah (Sal)
2007., 20070515, 2007, 2007-05-15, Letnik:
3
eBook
Anthropologists who are employed to change the worlds they are researching find themselves in a potentially contradictory position. Combining the various roles and expectations involved in working ...with Gypsies and local government at the same time as conducting anthropological research, provides the overall perspective of this study. It is an unusual and effective balance of insightful ethnography and anthropological theory with the perspective of someone employed to carry out applied work. An effective and creative use of metaphor structures the entire work and allows complex ideas to be conveyed in an accessible way. Drawing upon traditional anthropological approaches such as kinship and story telling and engaging with the works of major social theorists such as Weber, Bourdieu and Foucault as well as the work of contemporary anthropologists, this work demonstrates the use of anthropology in understanding changing situations and in deciding how best to manage such situations.
The concept of military expenditures is as old as the first antic civilizations. The military, as the first andonly line of defense, has always had a great role in the expenditures of countries. ...Military expenditures changed through history, as has the very understanding of the armed forces which represented the military might of a country. Through the evolution of society many other priorities have emerged concerning state expenditures, but because of their focus on population defense, upholding peace and protecting the country borders as the first and primary forms of public goods, have themilitary expenditures kept their steadfastness through the entire human history.
Provider: - Institution: - Data provided by Europeana Collections- The research of the existing archive sources and historical literature proved that the influence of Philip Hristic (1819 – 1905), ...Serbian diplomat and politician was not well known. The examination of historical personalities could make a major contribution to the knowledge of the political and diplomatic scene of the 19th century Serbia. Judging by his accomplishments in diplomacy, politics, education and finance, the life of Philip Hristic enriches the history of the Principality and latter Kingdome of Serbia. Introduction to the political biography of Philip Hristic requires from the researcher the analyses of the stand of the Serbian historiography toward his historical personality and his meaning for Serbian history. His family roots leading from the First Serbian Uprising, his companionship with the young princes from the Obrenovic dynasty and latter his wedding with the daughter of reach Greek merchant Hadzi Toma Opulos influenced his political beliefs. The dissertation sheds light on Hristic `s personal features and his life commitment to diplomacy and political engagements. His professional accomplishments were historically researched to prove the importance of his political biography. Hristic was characterized in the Serbian historiography as a week politician, unable to hold a stable first government of the prince Michael without the conflict with the political opponents. He was also accused of using family relations to gain political positions. Within his biography this dissertation will try presented these facts differently. The special attention is dedicated to the path of development of Philip Hristic from the beginning of his schooling and the start of his carrier toward examining his ideas, thoughts and planes during his long life. This period includes the dynasty change on the Serbian throne, first rule of the prince Michel Obrenovic, the return of the fortresses from Turkey to Serbia at the time when Philip Hristic was a member of the State Council. Special attention was paid to Hristic `s missions in Constantinople from 1870 to 1880 with interruptions, his missions to Vienna, Berlin and Rome. Hristic`s educational work reached his peek when he was instituted as minister of education in 1873/74. The connections of Philip Hristic with Great Britain were researched from 1863 when he was sent to a mission to England with princess Julia Obrenovic to 1883/84 when he was posted as a first Serbian extraordinary and plenipotentiary minister to Great Britain. Those connections were emphasized not only during Hristic`s stay in Great Britain, but especially during his service in Constantinople where he was posted because of his connections to Great Britain. After the Crimean war Great Britain was the most influential great power in the Ottoman Empire, especially from 1870-s to 1880-s. After Hristic`s retirement from the diplomatic service, he was posted to the position of the second Serbian Governor of the First Serbian National Bank from 1885 to 1889. After this position Hrisitic also retired from Belgrade social life to his villa in Topcider. Such a rich life is the reason that he deserves the attention of the Serbian historiography. The research of his life can contribute to social and cultural history of the Serbian Principality from the 19th to the beginning of the 20th century. Researching the existing historical sources and literature established how Hristic in his professional carrier kept his influence on the Serbian political and diplomatic scene. The research tried to explain his influence on the political development of Serbia and his political standing. During his youth Hristic, with other important members of Serbian educated state planed political elite, brought into Serbia the spirit of Enlightenment. Hristic was characterized as a conservative politician because of his long term loyalty towards the Serbian princes. He was loyal not only to Obrenovic rulers but also to the Karadjodjevic dynasty. Hristic`s family relations were explored in order to establish how they contributed to his political advancement. It is recognized that his marital connection with one of the richest and most influential families led to his fast promotion. It was also researched how his affiliation to the youth liberal generation, Jovan Ristic`s generation (1858–1878) that was politically divided between conservatives and liberals, influenced Hristic political determination. His connections with Serbian political elite educated abroad influenced his long existence in Serbian politics. It must be stressed out that Hristic a few times kept his government service because of his family and friend relations. This political biography is aiming to show how big is the contribution of a single individual to the development of the Serbian society during the 19th and the 20th century. One of the most important parts of this work is the study of the relation between the Philip Hristic and Jovan Ristic, one of the most famous Serbian politicians of the 19th century Hristic was an acknowledged member of the Serbian elite, he was one of the first members of the of the Serbian Slavic Society, Serbian Learning Society and the Serbian Royal Academy. This represents his contribution to the Serbian culture. The dissertation consists of the fourteen separate chapters, formulated on the chronological principle. Political and diplomatic state functions of Philip Hristic were first explained and secondly his sociological, cultural and social contribution to the development of the Serbian Principality and Serbian Kingdom. The period when Philip Hristic was the first minister of prince Michel Obrenovic and contributed to adaption of the statehood lows of Serbian parliament presents one of the most important periods in his carrier. The second most important part of Hristic`s carrier was his stay in Constantinople from 1870 to 1880, with some interruptions. Philip Hristic`s diplomatic service was much more respected than his state political carrier. His contemporaries appreciated Hristic `s mission with princess Julia in Great Britain in 1863 as well as his missions to the Ottoman Empire from 1870 to 1880. Hristic’ s contribution during his post as a Serbian representative to the Ottoman Empire from 1870 to 1880couuld not be disputed. . Nobody else could at that time, carry out the difficult negotiations with the Turks. Hristic specially conducted negotiations with the Ottoman Empire about the Serbian connection to the Turkish railway. He at that time even declerared the second Serbian war to the Ottoman Empire in 1877. Latter, when Serbia acquired the railway connection, Hristic continued to lead the talks about the finance problems of the Serbian ralway construction. Hristic was accused that he accepted a bribe from the French financiers to recommend the French Railway Society. He was very offended by this accusation and complained to the premier of the Serbian government Chedomir Mijatovic that all his merits toward the Serbian state were forgotten. Serbian prince belived those accusations against Philip Hristic, which was even more insulting to the Serbian diplomat. Other contemporaries, like Milan DJ. Milicevic, left the description of the personality of Philip Hrisitic. He stressed out that Philip Hristic spoke German, French and English. He wrote Serbian nicely and shortly In Milicevic`s memories we can find one of the rare physical descriptions of Philip Hristic. That is of great importance because it represents the description by his contemporary. Milicevic wrote that Hristic was “ a small person, with a brown curled hair, small cunning brown eyes, with pointy chin, round head and with a clear and smooth face”. “He was always dressed in a suite and a very smooth talker.” His behavior was sheepish towards older and more important persons and bold towards younger, but he was always capable to see his own benefit. Hristic contributed to the development of the Serbian diplomacy from the separate missions to the permanent legations. He held the steady position of the diplomatic Serbian envoy in Austria-Hungary, Italy, Germany and Great Britain. Even though he was described as a conservative politician and a skilled diplomat, until the formation of the political parties in Serbia Hristic did not belong to any party. He cooperated with liberal politicians led by Jovan Ristic. Ristic and Hristic terminated their political association after the establishment of the progressive party in 1881, when Hristic proclaimed himself as a conservative politician supporting the progressive party. The progressive party suited Hristic because of its pro-western ideas. Hristic was never a member of any political party. Hristic was the person of impeccable tact who always showed his loyalitiy to the ruler, the dynasty and the power of law. This dissertation proved that the appearance of Philip Hristic on the Serbian political and diplomatic 19th century scene was much more important than the Serbian historiography so far assessed. With his inherent diplomatic skill he helped the development of the Serbian diplomacy before and after the declaration of the Serbian independent state. With his political, legislative, educational and cultural work Hristic also considerably contributed to the modernization of Serbia.- Cilj doktorske disertacije je bio da dokaže značaj ličnosti Filipa Hristića (1819 – 1905) na političkoj i diplomatskoj sceni Srbije 19. veka. Hristić je tokom svog dugog života uticao na razvoj zakonodavstva, diplomatije, prosvete, kulture i finasija u Srbiji. Komparacijom postojećih istorijskih izvora autor je dokazao da srpska istoriografija nije u potpunosti ocenila značaj Hristićeve ličnosti za razvoj srpske države i društva u 19. i početkom 20. veka. Istraživanja su obavljena u Arhivu SANU, Arhivu Srbije, Narodnoj biblioteci Srbije i The National Archives u Londonu. Obimno pr
Posljednjih nekoliko godina fenomen migracija izaziva iznimnu medijsku pozornost u cijeloj Europi, a među mnogobrojnim pitanjima koje ta široka i višeslojna tema otvara, nameće se i pitanje uloge ...jezika u konstruiranju prikaza migranata i oblikovanju stavova o njima. U ovom radu proučavaju se diskursne strategije koje se upotrebljavaju kod imenovanja i opisivanja migranata kao pojedinaca i kao društvene skupine. Središnji dio rada posvećen je analizi upotrebe strategija nominacije i predikacije (Reisigl i Wodak 2001), a osnovni cilj je analizirati jezik kojim mediji imenuju migrante i opisuju njihove osobine. Kako bi se ostvario osnovni cilj rada, nužno je razmotriti i konstrukciju opreke Mi/Oni, usko vezane uz pozitivan prikaz Sebe i negativan prikaz Drugoga, a uz pretpostavku da se konstruiranjem negativne slike o Drugom pridonosi oblikovanju pozitivne slike o Sebi. Opozicija Mi/Oni
ostvaruje se u odnosu dvaju glavnih društvenih aktera, tj. Europe/europskih zemalja i migranata, a stajališta o migrantima kao dionicima društvene zbilje ispituju se na uzorcima korpusa preuzetih iz britanskih i talijanskih dnevnih novina.
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