Autor analizira pisanje primorskih slovenskih liberalnih novina u vrijeme balkanskih ratova 1912. i 1913., prikazuje geopolitičke stavove toga političkoga kruga te ga smješta u širi kontekst sukoba ...različitih vizija jugoslavenstva. Specifičan položaj primorskih Slovenaca i geopolitičko značenje Trsta odrazili su se na naklonjenost toga dijela Slovenaca što širemu južnoslavenskom konceptu, koji je trebao biti poluga za slovensku političku emancipaciju. Isprva se taj dio Slovenaca zauzima za ujedinjenje južnoslavenskih naroda unutar Habsburške Monarhije, no analizirano razdoblje donosi preokret koji se očituje u ispuštanju habsburškoga okvira u prvom krugu balkanskih ratova. Drugi je
pak krug prouzročio isključivanje Bugarske iz južnoslavenskih koncepata, čime se dio primorskih Slovenaca priklanja užoj viziji južnoslavenske državne ideje sa Srbijom u središnjoj ulozi.
The author analyses the writings of Slovene journals from the Primorska (Slovene Littoral) region in the period of the Balkan Wars, in the years
1912 and 1913. The article presents the shift of liberal Slovenes’ attitudes towards the Yugoslav idea and places it in the broader context
of the conflict between various geopolitical ideas. The specific position of the Primorska region and Istria as well as the consequential
geopolitical importance of Trieste were reflected in the inclination of
those liberal Slovenians to the broader concept of the Yugoslav political idea, which included all South Slavic nations and was supposed
to be the leverage for Slovenian political emancipation. Initially, the
Slovene liberals, who were gathered in the political group named Edinost (Unity) in Trieste and around the journal Soča in Gorizia, favoured the idea of a third political unit within the Habsburg
Monarchy, with the ambition of including Trieste and Gorizia into that entity. However, due to fears of being left outside of that third unit, these Slovenes abandoned so called ‘trialist’ idea. The defeats of the Ottoman Empire in the first round of the Balkan Wars resulted in omitting the Habsburg context in Slovene journals from the Primorska region, while the second round caused the exclusion of Bulgaria from the
South Slavic state concepts, and pushed those Slovenes towards the narrower version of the Yugoslav idea, where Serbia was to have a central role.
The political activity of the Bosnian Muslims – Bosniaks – during World War One was characterized by interest-personal differences, inherited from the parliamentary period, but also by the lack of ...common responses to the challenges that were brought by the current national and political developments. Šerif Arnautović personalized a political orientation close to the Austro-Hungarian authorities, demonstrating willingness to make concessions and compromises in favour of the main goals of the United Muslim Organization (UMO). On the other side there was a small group with Derviš-beg Miralem on its forefront, which was, during the parliamentary period, in the position of continuing "the authentic politics" of the Muslim National Organization (MNO), in terms of opposing the Austro-Hungarian regime and cooperation with Serbian political representatives. The party-political mosaic was completed by the group that pulled its roots from the former Muslim Progressive Party (MNS), whose notable figures were dr. Halid-beg Hrasnica and dr. Mehmed Spaho. None of these groups, during the war, functioned as a compact party. With the dissolution of the Bosnia-Herzegovinian Parliament (Sabor) and vanishing of political life in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the party-political activity gave way to individual political engagement, which was restricting the social basis of the participation of the Bosniaks in processes of solving the Yugoslav question, including redefining the state-legal status of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The personalization of party activity, the time had shown, brought the most evident damage to the strongest party – the United Muslim Organization – which, due to Arnautović’s conservative political attitudes, crucially tied itself to the Austro-Hungarian regime and thus conceded, in the wake of the Yugoslav state, public political space to a marginal group led by Dr. Mehmed Spaho, as well as individuals who were leaning towards the political and national heritage of Đikić’s Samouprava. This political development had led to a kind of discontinuity in the Bosniak politics and decisively determined internal Bosniak political and social relations in the next quarter century. Ten years after the election for the first Bosnia-Herzegovinian Parliament, in 1920, the Yugoslav Muslim Organization, the party that had its roots in the "insignificant and frivolous elements", as Arnautović described its embryo to Nikola Pašić, received strong support in the Bosniak masses, while the remnants of the UMO completely disappeared from the Bosnian political scene.
Meštrovićeva politička djelatnost koja se je reflektirala i na njegovo kiparsko i graditeljsko djelo, bila je u najužoj vezi s idejom zajedničke južnoslavenske zajednice, kulminativno u vrijeme pred ...Prvi svjetski rat i za trajanja rata. Kao politički idealist i osoba koja je za sebe uvijek isticala da je prije svega umjetnik, Meštrović nije imao sklonosti za klasično političko djelovanje, pa tako ni za pripadanje nekoj od političkih opcija u vremenu. Budući njegov politički aktivizam nije omeđen nekom konkretnom političkom strankom i, za razliku od političara s kojima se družio, nije imao političkog predživota, Meštrović se ne može odrediti ni kao, primjerice, starčevićanac, haesesovac, niti kao unitarni Jugoslaven i rojalist. Strastveno zainteresiran za politiku, poglavito u vrijeme kada na političku pozornicu stupa ideja zajedničke južnoslavenske države, Meštrović aktivno djeluje na promicanju te ideje u kontaktima s političarima, kraljevima, kulturnim djelatnicima, umjetnicima. Nikada ne nastupa kao klasični političar i politički pregovarač na platformi neke od stranaka, nego kao umjetnik koji koristi svoja brojna domaća i svjetska poznanstva da bi propagirao političke interese, odnosno univerzalnu političku platformu svoga hrvatskog naroda i slavenskog etno-političkog okvira. Čak i unutar političke grupacije koju je osnivao, Jugoslavenskog odbora, Meštrović ne nastupa s razrađenim programskim idejama, nego je ponajprije kao umjetnik i intelektualac, „svojim istupima, a posebno preko svojih djela, bio (je) ideološki poticatelj ideje ujedinjenja“ (N. Machiedo Mladinić). I baš to što nije bio profesionalni političar omogućilo mu je da „u situacijama kada bi izravno uplitanje političkih ličnosti zbog diplomatskih obzira bilo nemoguće“ (D. Hammer Tomić), neposrednije sazna za neke od namjera političkih čimbenika na neformalnim sesijama gdje je priman kao uvaženi umjetnik. Tako je primjerice, prije od drugih, iz izvješća francuskog veleposlanika u Italiji Camilla Barrere, saznao da će za pristupanje Antanti Italija biti nagrađena teritorijalnim proširenjem u Dalmaciji. Poznati su i stavovi Meštrovićevi u svezi imena Odbora, gdje se je, za razliku od Trumbićeva i Supilova dvoumljenja, odmah opredijelio za jugoslavensko ime, smatrajući da će tako hrvatski nastup, na zajedničkoj podlozi, biti snažniji prema inozemstvu, nego da Odbor nastupi pod hrvatskim imenom, a pogotovu ne pod imenom proširene Srbije (Pašićeva ideja). Meštrovićevo političko razočarenje idejom jugoslavenstva išlo je paralelno s udaljavanjem hrvatske i srpske politike nakon ujedinjenja u zajedničku državu, a razlaz s političkim projektom bio je sve izvjesniji između dva rata nakon ubojstava Stjepana Radića i Aleksandra Karađorđevića. Rezerve prema drugoj Jugoslaviji bile su već tolike da Meštrović, posebno zbog političkog odiuma prema komunistima, nikada ozbiljno i nije razmatrao svoj povratak u domovinu, a svoja djela, na posljetku, nije zaviještao državi, nego hrvatskom narodu. Rad posebno prati najpolitičnije Meštrovićevo razdoblje kada je kipar svoja djela čak i preimenovao da bi neutralnim nazivima „jednoga hrama“, djevojkama i junacima izlaganim na bečkoj izložbi Secesije 1910. godine, već sljedeće godine na rimskoj izložbi u paviljonu Kraljevine Srbije, dao imena kosovskih junaka. Posebna je pažnja fokusirana na ideju Vidovdanskog hrama, profanog svetišta jugoslavenstva i tzv. kosovske fragmente koji su ga trebali ukrašavati. Kontroverze koje prate Meštrovićevu skulpturu i graditeljske projekte najizraženije su upravo u vrijeme njegove najjače političke aktivnosti na jugoslavenskoj političkoj i kulturnoj platformi, a i sam Meštrović ne krije namjeru da svojim djelima pridonese političkom programu. Zato su i kritičke opaske za i protiv Meštrovićeve skulpture, tih ranih godina, neodvojive od različitih pogleda na političke ideje u nemirnom vremenu oko Prvoga svjetskog rata, uvlačeći Meštrovićevu osobu u političku arenu hrvatstva, srpstva, jugoslavenstva, čemu je i sam kipar dao povoda svojim političkim angažmanom. Skulptura, graditeljstvo i politika nisu u Meštrovićevu opusu nikada bili na bližim pozicijama, negoli u vrijeme Hrama i „kosovskih fragmenata“. Pritom se ističe i razlika između Meštrovićeve arhitekture koja ništa ne sugerira po pitanju političke poruke, i povijesno je reminiscirajuća i eklektička, i skulptura koje snažno personificiraju politički program nastao na podlozi Kosovske bitke preko atletske monumentalističke figuracije. No priželjkivanju političkih krugova da se Meštrovićevi junaci odjenu u nacionalno ruho i tako posvjedoče „povijesnu istinu“, kipar se je suprotstavio idejom univerzalnih vrijednosti, a ne povijesno-političkog partikularizma. Smatrajući da će protok vremena najbolje ocijeniti protagoniste povijesti, smatra da će i tako neke figure iščeznuti, a druge ostati „tako rekuć gole“ i dobiti „natprirodne dimenzije“ (I.Meštrović). Meštrović svojim ogoljavanjem likova do torzalnosti bez znamenja i nacionalne pripadnosti, sugerira da time oni „dobiju općeljudsko značenje a ne neko specifično, ovog ili onog plemena“ (I.Meštrović). Osim Hrama i fragmenata razmatraju se i druga djela u koja je ucijepljen politički program, od Njegoševa mauzoleja na Lovčenu, grobne kapele Gospe od anđela u Cavtatu, konjaničkih reljefa kralja Petra Karađorđevića i bana Petra Berislavića, te skulptura Indijanaca za Chicago kao „ahistorijske“ spomeničke krune njegove monumentalne (artdecoovske) skulpture. Zaključno razmatrajući Meštrovićevu „političku“ plastiku može se reći da je ono najbolje u njoj dano upravo u onim djelima gdje su politički programi i povijesne evokacije (recimo u karijatidama, kraljevima, banovima, pa čak i u slučaju portreta Nikole Tesle ili Ruđera Boškovića), ustuknuli pred ahistorijskimm golim fizisom nekolicine kosovskih junaka, ženskih alegorijskih figura, i svakako krunom artdecoovske konjaničke skulpture čikaških Indijanaca. Mišićna kontrakcija pri izbacivanju luka i strijele kod Indijanaca, ono je na što valja obratiti pozornost, a ne na vrstu (uostalom nedostajućeg) oružja, što samo govori o Meštrovićevom fokusiranju na ono u čemu je najbolji: golom ljudskom tijelu odterećenom nošnje, znamenja civilizacije, pompe političkih, ideoloških i povijesnih atributa. I zato je i Meštrovićeva politika u kipu najsnažnija onda kada je najopćenitija, odnosno kada svjedoči ideal a ne političku pragmu ili partikularnu historijsku pojavnost.
Since the reaching of three decades of 'SANU Memorandum' affair (1986.), was the occasion to actualize and re-examine the role of the Serbian intelligentsia in political processes, in the early 2017 ...one more significant date happened - eight decades of appearance of Serbian Political Club (1937). As still today, one unofficial and incomplete document by a group of Serbian academics, on the eve of the dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, by which SANU intended to draw the attention of the Yugoslav and Serbian public to the crisis of the common state - is presented as scandalous and conspiratorial project. In the same way is evaluated the reaction of leading Serbian intellectuals on the eve of the dissolution of Kingdom of Yugoslavia - after the assassination of King Aleksandar, the rise of ustashe, the creation of the Croatian 'Banovina' and the fear sparked by the outbreak of World War II. How has the intellectual elite of the Serbian people, from the beginning of the 20th century to the present, found itself facing the double the charges for - on one hand - insufficient participation in political life, little or no announcements or critical reasoning, that its members are instead of general and national issues, concerned with particular interests, that they have become non-national, even anti-nationally oriented, while on the other hand - political, media, religious and scientific authorities of the immediate environment accuse them for full management of the political processes, that they shape ideologies, define guidelines and dictate instructions of. 'Greater Serbia' policy?.
L'auteur examine comment, après 1875, les Balkans en sont venus à jouer un rôle important dans la lutte pour une Slovénie unifiée. Il montre également comment l'attitude des nationalistes Slovènes à ...l'égard des Balkans a changé, dès la création du premier État–nation des Slaves méridionaux au lendemain de la Première Guerre mondiale. The author discusses the question of how the Balkans, after 1875, eventually gained importance in the struggle for United Slovenia, and how the attitude of Slovene nationalists towards the Balkans changed after the first Southern Slavs nation-State was established in the wake of the First World War. Der Autor diskutiert die Frage in welchem Maß „der” Balkan nach 1875 im Kampf für ein Vereintes Slowenien an Bedeutung gewonnen hat und wie sich die Einstellung slowenischer Nationalisten gegenüber den anderen Balkan-Völkern nach der Errichtung des slawischen Nationalstaates in Folge des Ersten Weltkriegs verändert hat. Avtor obravnava vprašanje, kako je po letu 1875 Balkan sčasoma pridobil na pomenu v boju za Zedinjeno Slovenijo in kako se je odnos slovenskih nacionalistov do Balkana spremenil po ustanovitvi prve nacionalne države Južnih Slovanov po prvi svetovni vojni.
In this article the author analyses ideological and political bases of the ideal of national liberation and unification of the Yugoslav peoples, created in 19. century. Conceptions and program of the ...unification were determined by ideological viewpoints of their carriers, who were linking unification with the resolution of the position of Yugoslav peoples, after the centuries of occupations of Turkey and Austro - Hungary; these different attitudes and programs, beside the desire for liberation, were also linked by the awareness of ethnic closeness, which differentiated Slavic from Non - Slavic peoples. The founders of Yugoslav idea, enthralled with the revolutionary spirit and unballasted by national exclusivity, however, displayed true naivety, and lack of understanding of those phenomena which represented key obstacles to the common state, national identity and nationalism. Yugoslav ideologists, movements and organizations had built their enthusiasm and hope on the ideas which were revolutionary, romantic and, above all, unrealistic, which showed after two breakdowns of the common state in the period of 70 years.
The article is a survey of Fran Radescek's temporary emigration in the years from 1911 up to 1921, although it is partly incomplete due to several gaps in his biography up to 1921. There were many ...hidden opponents of his political 'struggle', particularly on the part of the then Slovene political elite (Hribar, Tavcar); they had the power to 'deport' him but never publicly declared their demands. Thus one could trace only indirect evidence. Due to these gaps and the fact that it will be permitted to open his personal archive only in 2008, it still remains for his biography to be supplemented. Nevertheless, it has been possible - at least partly - to reconstruct the era of his temporary emigration in the Czech lands and in Serbia. Radescek's life in Kolin and Prague only stimulated him for political work in his homeland, which he began as early as in 1907 in Trieste and continued after 1910 in Ljubljana. He was decisively influenced by the Czech politician Vaclav Jaroslav Klofac. Radescek's foundation of the National-Socialist Party in 1911 was á result of his strong inclination towards Klofac's political affiliation. This was one of the indirect arguments for his being expelled from the Slovene society/community. His second departure from his homeland was also a result of the then Slovene political conditions and relations. And last, but not least, his stubborn character also played a part. At first he was content to move to a 'Slavic' country, Serbia, but he returned home - in 1921 - not only disappointed, but also a completely different person in political and ideological terms. The burdens of his disappointments could be noticed in all his articles published after 1921. As an ardent sympathiser of the Yugo-Slav idea, he found the new State in striking contrast to his expectations. Reprinted by permission of the Institute for Migration and Ethnic Studies, Zagreb
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