Starting from Adorno's dictum, what arts and culture could be after the reality of Auschwitz, the philosopher Sabine Kock takes central argumentations of Theodor W. Adorno and Max Horkheimer, Hannah ...Arendt, Jean-François Lyotard, Sarah Kofman, Georges Didi-Huberman into view. For all of them imagination is an indispensable philosophical category and social force, but in fundamentally different ways. Kant proves to be a central reference: on the one hand as the guarantor of an irretrievably past, coherent world, on the other hand as the source of a fateful turn in the dialectic of enlightenment. Film material of the trial against Adolf Eichmann as well as an epilogue referring to the reflective narrator Ruth Klüger add this perspective.
Ausgehend von Adornos einflussreichem Diktum, was Kultur nach Auschwitz überhaupt sein könne, nimmt die Philosophin Sabine Kock zentrale Argumentationen von Theodor W. Adorno und Max Horkheimer, Hannah Arendt, Jean-François Lyotard, Sarah Kofman, Georges Didi-Huberman in den Blick. Für sie alle ist die Einbildungskraft eine unabdingbare philosophische Kategorie und gesellschaftliche Kraft, jedoch auf grundlegend verschiedene Weise. Kant erweist sich dabei als zentrale Referenz: einerseits als Garant einer unwiederbringlich vergangenen, kohärenten Welt, andererseits als Quelle einer verhängnisvollen ‚Dialektik der Aufklärung‘. Filmmaterial aus dem Prozess gegen Adolf Eichmann sowie ein Epilog über die reflexive Erzählerin Ruth Klüger ergänzen diese Perspektive.
Political Reconciliation Schaap, Andrew
Political Reconciliation,
2005, 20041123, 2004-11-23, 2004-11-10, 20050101
eBook, Book
Odprti dostop
Since the end of the Cold War, the concept of reconciliation has emerged as a central term of political discourse within societies divided by a history of political violence. Reconciliation has been ...promoted as a way of reckoning with the legacy of past wrongs while opening the way for community in the future.This book examines the issues of transitional justice in the context of contemporary debates in political theory concerning the nature of 'the political'. Bringing together research on transitional justice and political theory, the author argues that if we are to talk of reconciliation in politics we need to think about it in a fundamentally different way than is commonly presupposed; as agonistic rather than restorative.
Visualizing Atrocitytakes Hannah Arendt's provocative and polarizing account of the 1961 trial of Nazi official Adolf Eichmann as its point of departure for reassessing some of the serviceable myths ...that have come to shape and limit our understanding both of the Nazi genocide and totalitarianism's broader, constitutive, and recurrent features. These myths are inextricably tied to and reinforced viscerally by the atrocity imagery that emerged with the liberation of the concentration camps at the war's end and played an especially important, evidentiary role in the postwar trials of perpetrators. At the 1945 Nuremberg Tribunal, particular practices of looking and seeing were first established with respect to these images that were later reinforced and institutionalized through Eichmann's trial in Jerusalem as simply part of the fabric of historical fact. They have come to constitute a certain visual rhetoric that now circumscribes the moral and political fields and powerfully assists in contemporary mythmaking about how we know genocide and what is permitted to count as such. In contrast, Arendt's claims about the banality of evil work to disrupt this visual rhetoric. More significantly still, they direct our attention well beyond the figure of Eichmann to a world organized now as then by practices and processes that while designed to sustain and even enhance life work as well to efface it.
Although the modern age is often described as the age of democratic revolutions, the subject of popular founding has not captured the imagination of contemporary political thought. Most of the time, ...democratic theory and political science treat as the object of their inquiry normal politics, institutionalized power, and consolidated democracies. This study shows why it is important for democratic theory to rethink the question of democracy's beginnings. Is there a founding unique to democracies? Can a democracy be democratically established? What are the implications of expanding democratic politics in light of the question of whether and how to address democracy's beginnings? Kalyvas addresses these questions and scrutinizes the possibility of democratic beginnings in terms of the category of the extraordinary, as he reconstructs it from the writings of Max Weber, Carl Schmitt, and Hannah Arendt and their views on the creation of new political, symbolic, and constitutional orders.
Power, Judgment and Political Evil Celermajer, Danielle; Schaap, Andrew
2010, 20160408, 2016-04-08, 2016-04-07, 2010-04-01, 2013-03-28, 20100101
eBook
In an interview with Günther Gaus for German television in 1964, Hannah Arendt insisted that she was not a philosopher but a political theorist. Disillusioned by the cooperation of German ...intellectuals with the Nazis, she said farewell to philosophy when she fled the country. This book examines Arendt's ideas about thinking, acting and political responsibility, investigating the relationship between the life of the mind and the life of action that preoccupied Arendt throughout her life. By joining in the conversation between Arendt and Gaus, each contributor probes her ideas about thinking and judging and their relation to responsibility, power and violence. An insightful and intelligent treatment of the work of Hannah Arendt, this volume will appeal to a wide number of fields beyond political theory and philosophy, including law, literary studies, social anthropology and cultural history.
Diversity, unity and public health Gomes, Romeu; Minayo, Maria Cecilia de Souza; Silva, Antonio Augusto Moura da
Ciência & saude coletiva,
10/2022, Letnik:
27, Številka:
10
Journal Article
En este artículo se analizan las principales ideas de la filosofía moral de Hannah Arendt en los textos Algunas cuestiones de filosofía moral, El pensar y las reflexiones morales, Eichmann en ...Jerusalén, La vida del Espíritu y Conferencias sobre la Filosofía política de Kant. En primer lugar, se expone la caracterización del derrumbe moral acontecido en el contexto del totalitarismo, luego se examinan las apreciaciones de Arendt acerca de los criterios de discernimiento moral de Sócrates, de Platón, de Kant, sus vinculaciones con la facultad de voluntad y sus referencias a la pérdida del yo como un fenómeno extendido en la sociedad. Finalmente se evalúa el significado de la facultad del juicio y se fundamenta el valor de la ejemplaridad en la ética contemporánea. Este trabajo presenta las conclusiones de la primera etapa del proyecto de investigación cuya pregunta es: ¿De qué modo pueden contribuir las ideas arendtianas acerca de la validez ejemplar como criterio de discernimiento moral a la consolidación de posicionamientos éticos que respondan a la situación existencial del hombre contemporáneo? Palabras clave: moral--solitud--voluntad- juicio--ejemplaridad This article analyzes the main ideas of Hannah Arendt's moral philosophy in the texts Some questions of moral philosophy, Thinking and Moral Considerations, Eichmann in Jerusalem, The Life of the Mind and Lectures on Kant's Political Philosophy. In the first place, the characterization of the moral collapse that occurred in the context of totalitarianism is exposed, then Arendt's appreciations about the moral discernment criteria of Socrates, Plato, Kant, etc., its links with the faculty of will, and its references to the loss of self as a widespread phenomenon in society are examined. Finally, the meaning of the faculty of judgment is evaluated and the value of exemplarity in contemporary ethics is based. This paper presents the conclusions of the first stage of the research project whose question is: How can Arendtian ideas about exemplary validity as a criterion of moral discernment contribute to the consolidation of ethical positions that respond to the existential situation of contemporary man? Keywords: morality--solitude--will--judgment--exemplarity
In the contemporary world of neoliberalism, efficiency is treated as the vehicle of political and economic health .State bureaucracy, but not corporate bureaucracy, is seen as inefficient, and ...privatization is seen as a magic cure for social ills. In Public Things: Democracy in Disrepair, Bonnie Honig asks whether democracy is possible in the absence of public services, spaces, and utilities. In other words, if neoliberalism leaves to democracy merely electoral majoritarianism and procedures of deliberation while divesting democratic states of their ownership of public things, what will the impact be?
Following Tocqueville, who extolled the virtues of “pursuing in common the objects of common desires,” Honig focuses not on the demos but on the objects of democratic life. Democracy, as she points out, postulates public things—infrastructure, monuments, libraries—that citizens use, care for, repair, and are gathered up by. To be “gathered up” refers to the work of D. W. Winnicott, the object relations psychoanalyst who popularized the idea of “transitional objects”—the toys, teddy bears, or favorite blankets by way of which infants come to understand themselves as unified selves with an inside and an outside in relation to others. The wager of Public Things is that the work transitional objects do for infants is analogously performed for democratic citizens by public things, which press us into object relations with others and with ourselves.
Public Things attends also to the historically racial character of public things: public lands taken from indigenous peoples, access to public goods restricted to white majorities. Drawing on Hannah Arendt, who saw how things fabricated by humans lend stability to the human world, Honig shows how Arendt and Winnicott—both theorists of livenesss—underline the material and psychological conditions necessary for object permanence and the reparative work needed for a more egalitarian democracy.
While acknowledging Hannah Arendt's keen philosophical and political insights, Kathryn T. Gines claims that there are some problematic assertions and oversights regarding Arendt's treatment of the ..."Negro question." Gines focuses on Arendt's reaction to the desegregation of Little Rock schools, to laws making mixed marriages illegal, and to the growing civil rights movement in the south. Reading them alongside Arendt's writings on revolution, the human condition, violence, and responses to the Eichmann war crimes trial, Gines provides a systematic analysis of anti-black racism in Arendt's work.
Hannah Arendt and Leo Strauss - two major political thinkers of the twentieth century, both of German-Jewish background and forced into exile in America - were never friends or intellectual ...interlocutors. Yet they shared a radical critique of contemporary idioms of politically oriented discourses and a lifelong effort to modify reflective approaches to political experience. Liisi Keedus reveals how Arendt's and Strauss's thinking about political modernity was the product of a common intellectual formation in Weimar Germany, by examining the cross-disciplinary debates guiding their early work. Through a historical reconstruction of their shared interrogative horizons - comprising questions regarding the possibility of an ethically engaged political philosophy after two world wars, the political fate of Jewry, the implications of modern conceptions of freedom, and the relation between theoria and praxis - Keedus unravels striking similarities, as well as genuine antagonisms, between the two thinkers.
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