Abstract
This essay engages with Stephan Eich’s
The Currency of Politics
. It finds that the book pursues two goals at once: a minimalist goal of bringing money as a subject of inquiry back into the ...fold of political theory and a maximalist goal consisting in the stated ambition to ‘articulate more democratic visions of the future of money’. It interrogates Eich’s effort to harnesses a historical perspective to normative claims from the standpoint of a historian of pre-modern Europe. More specifically, it asks what role close reading, intertextuality and contextualisation play in Eich’s approach; why he recognises certain episodes from the (distant) past rather than others as relevant to current predicaments and potential future scenarios; and why he singles out the English financial revolution of the 1690s as the first relevant moment of crisis after the monetary reforms undertaken in Athens in the sixth century BCE.
Despite their differences in age, professional career and political background, Milošević and Putin share similar views on one of the main consequences of the disintegration of Yugoslavia and the ...USSR: the involuntary dispersal of Serbs and Russians into different foreign states. This is a study of the segments of Milošević's and Putin's speeches referring to Kosovo and to Crimea respectively. The study analyses their rhetorical devices and thematic content, using the analytical framework and instruments for the analysis of nationalist discourses developed by the Vienna School of Critical Discourse Analysis. The speeches, it is argued here, share a topos of sacralisation of the (contested) land based on the ancestors' holy or glorious deeds which proclaims the land to be sacred to the chosen nation. This creates a 'national entitlement' to the land in a depoliticised ('sacred') and highly personalised setting.
Depolitisation and professionalisation of the administration are some of the basic principles of administrative reform, which are implementing since 2004., in order to achieve the most important ...European standards in the Republic of Serbia. However, the new legislative framework in the field of civil service system is not fully completed, because it has to be finished the reform of the provincial and local civil service system, but there also appeared certain deviations from the depolitisation and professionalisation, as prescribed standards on the state level, which significantly depart a reform of public administration from desired and set goal. Frequent changes of government are one of the most important reasons which influenced that despite strict legal solutions, in practice, the process of depolitisation and professionalisation of public administration has ignored, what is reason why almost half of the civil servants on the position are not selected on the basis of the contest, according the legal requirements. Considering the fact that the selection of senior civil servants on the basis of competition, at this moment, is more exception than rule, in order to achieve depolitisation and professionalisation of public administration, it would be necessary immediate termination of function for all civil servants who are appointed without competition, as the current Law on Civil Servants stipulates, as well as the observance of prescribed requirements and bidding procedures for the selection of future civil servants. In order to achieve further professionalisation of the administration, it should be continue improvement of the civil service system, particularly with further development of the career system, where priority should be given to continuously professional development of civil servants, as well as improving the system of promoting and rewarding, through the reform of the wage system. At the provincial and local level, with new law of provincial and local servants, based on contemporary standards, should be regulated the issues of their legal status, and finally give opportunity to provincial and local authorities to carry out much-needed process of depolitisation and professionalisation of provincial and local servants. After elimination of observed deficiencies in the civil service system, the Republic of Serbia will be able to say that is fulfilled one of the main European standards in the field of administrative reform.
— This study focuses on the consequences at the local level of decentralisation and state disengagement policies in Chile. We proceed in two stages. First, we analyse whether the nature of urban ...collective goods and services has changed from political to economic. Next, we study the effect of these policies on community/ authority relations, and more broadly, on local politics. A case study of the city of Conception serves to explore our questions. We conclude that the local community has adapted to the economic nature of collective goods and has developed the necessary organisation, technical and leadership skills. Power politics however have not disappeared but are now in higher institutional levels. Politicians do not seem to have followed the trend and thus have still to open to democratic participation and legitimate representation as expressed by the citizens' aggregated interests.
This study focuses on the consequences at the local level of decentralisation and state disengagement policies in Chile. We proceed in two stages. First, we analyse whether the nature of urban ...collective goods and services has changed from political to economic. Next, we study the effect of these policies on community/authority relations, and more broadly, on local politics. A case study of the city of Concepción serves to explore our questions. We conclude that the local community has adapted to the economic nature of collective goods and has developed the necessary organisation, technical and leadership skills. Power politics however have not disappeared but are now in higher institutional levels. Politicians do not seem to have followed the trend and thus have still to open to democratic participation and legitimate representation as expressed by the citizens' aggregated interests.
En este trabajo se analiza cómo la crisis contemporánea de la política se vincula con la invisibilidad de los horizontes del mundo, los cuales son condiciones de ejercicio de la conciencia crítica: ...ellos muestran los caminos que hemos seguido y las oportunidades políticas que se abren en cada momento de la historia. En el caso presente, la pérdida de los horizontes de vida es un fenómeno que depende de la estructura del mundo digitalizado, el cual ha sido capturado por los intereses tecnológicos del capitalismo neoliberal, bajo la premisa fundamental de que el mundo no tiene alternativas. Este proceso adquiere rasgos especiales con la colonización digital de las estructuras comunicativas de la sociedad: la comunicación social es mediada por los intereses y perspectivas de los nuevos poderes tecnológicos. Esta tecnologización hace perder ciertos rasgos interpretativos del mundo, como, por ejemplo, las presuposiciones éticas de la sociedad, las cuales deben asumir el ámbito fundamental de la conciencia encarnada en un cuerpo que se mueve en el mundo y cuya existencia depende de este. De acuerdo con estas ideas, se propone como tarea política urgente la superación de la condición digital como restricción impuesta por los nuevos poderes de la tecnocracia mundial. La clave emancipatoria es comprender cómo lo ético desaparece con la configuración digital del mundo social. Reconocer este proceso de pérdida podría permitir la recuperación de los horizontes perdidos del mundo, los cuales siempre suponen un momento ético irreducible.
Cet ouvrage analyse comment la crise contemporaine de la politique est liée à l'invisibilité des horizons du monde, qui sont des conditions d'exercice de la conscience critique et montrent les chemins que nous avons parcourus et les opportunités politiques qui s'offrent à chaque instant de l'histoire. À l’époque contemporaine, la perte d’horizons est une réalité qui dépend de la structure du monde numérique, capturée par les intérêts du techno capitalisme néolibéral, sur la base du postulat fondamental selon lequel le monde n’a pas d’alternative. Ce processus acquiert des particularités avec la colonisation numérique des structures communicatives de la société ; la constitution sociale du monde social est médiatisée par les intérêts et les perspectives des nouvelles puissances technologiques. Cette technologisation entraîne la perte de certains traits interprétatifs du monde, comme par exemple ses présupposés éthiques, qui doivent assumer la portée fondamentale de la conscience incarnée dans un corps qui bouge dans le monde et dont l'existence en dépend. Conformément aux arguments avancés, il est nécessaire de surmonter, de manière urgente, le format social numérique imposé par les pouvoirs de la technocratie actuelle. La clé émancipatrice est de comprendre comment les dimensions éthiques de la société disparaissent avec la configuration numérique du monde social. Reconnaître la nature de ce processus pourrait permettre de retrouver les horizons perdus du monde, ce qui représentera toujours un moment éthique irréductible.
Este trabalho analisa como a crise política contemporânea está ligada à invisibilidade dos horizontes do mundo, que são condições para o exercício da consciência crítica: mostram os caminhos que percorremos e as oportunidades políticas que estão disponíveis em cada momento da história. Na era contemporânea, a perda de horizontes é uma realidade que depende da estrutura do mundo digitalizado, que foi capturada pelos interesses do tecnocapitalismo neoliberal, sob a premissa fundamental de que o mundo não tem alternativas. Este processo adquire características especiais com a colonização digital das estruturas comunicativas da sociedade; a constituição social do mundo social é mediada pelos interesses e perspectivas das novas potências tecnológicas. Esta tecnologização provoca a perda de certas características interpretativas do mundo, como, por exemplo, os seus pressupostos éticos, que devem assumir o âmbito fundamental da consciência encarnada num corpo que se move no mundo e cuja existência depende dele. De acordo com os argumentos apresentados, é necessário superar, de forma urgente, o formato social digital imposto pelos poderes da tecnocracia atual. A chave emancipatória é compreender como as dimensões éticas da sociedade desaparecem com a configuração digital do mundo social. Reconhecer a natureza deste processo poderá permitir a recuperação dos horizontes perdidos do mundo, o que representará sempre um momento ético irredutível.
This work analyzes how the contemporary crisis of politics is linked to the invisibility of the world's horizons, which are conditions for the exercise of critical consciousness: they show the paths we have followed and the political opportunities that are available at every moment of history. In the contemporary era, the loss of horizons is a reality that depends on the structure of the digitalized world, which has been captured by the interests of neoliberal techno-capitalism, under the fundamental premise that the world has no alternatives. This process acquires special features with the digital colonization of the communicative structures of the society; the social constitution of the social world is mediated by the interests and perspectives of the new technological powers. This technologization causes the loss of certain interpretative features of the world, such as, for example, its ethical presuppositions, which must assume the fundamental scope of consciousness embodied in a body that moves in the world and whose existence depends on it. In accordance with the presented arguments, it is necessary to overcome, in an urgent way, the digital social format imposed by the powers of today's technocracy. The emancipatory key is to understand how the ethical dimensions of society disappears with the digital configuration of the social world. Recognizing the nature of this process could allow the recovery of the world's lost horizons, which will always represent an irreducible ethical moment.
The unheavenly chorus Schlozman, Kay Lehman; Verba, Sidney; Brady, Henry E
2012., 20120409, 2012, 2012-04-09, 20120101
eBook
Politically active individuals and organizations make huge investments of time, energy, and money to influence everything from election outcomes to congressional subcommittee hearings to local school ...politics, while other groups and individual citizens seem woefully underrepresented in our political system.The Unheavenly Chorusis the most comprehensive and systematic examination of political voice in America ever undertaken--and its findings are sobering.
The Unheavenly Chorusis the first book to look at the political participation of individual citizens alongside the political advocacy of thousands of organized interests--membership associations such as unions, professional associations, trade associations, and citizens groups, as well as organizations like corporations, hospitals, and universities. Drawing on numerous in-depth surveys of members of the public as well as the largest database of interest organizations ever created--representing more than thirty-five thousand organizations over a twenty-five-year period--this book conclusively demonstrates that American democracy is marred by deeply ingrained and persistent class-based political inequality. The well educated and affluent are active in many ways to make their voices heard, while the less advantaged are not. This book reveals how the political voices of organized interests are even less representative than those of individuals, how political advantage is handed down across generations, how recruitment to political activity perpetuates and exaggerates existing biases, how political voice on the Internet replicates these inequalities--and more.
In a true democracy, the preferences and needs of all citizens deserve equal consideration. Yet equal consideration is only possible with equal citizen voice.The Unheavenly Chorusreveals how far we really are from the democratic ideal and how hard it would be to attain it.
L’Urbanisme transitoire a émergé en France en 2014. Ayant pour objet l’occupation temporaire de bâtiments ou de sites vacants dans le temps de latence précédant un projet urbain, ce mouvement se ...distingue des squats par sa légalité et sa légitimité. Présenté comme une manière révolutionnaire de faire la ville, il ne s’oppose pas pour autant à la manière de faire régulière, à l’inverse encore une fois des squats ou d’autres formes d’occupation de lieux culturels à l’initiative d’habitants et de citoyens, comme le mouvement des « communs urbains » italiens. Si ces lieux sont des lieux de lutte, contre par exemple la monétarisation de l’espace urbain et l’appropriation de la ville à des fins spéculatives, l’Urbanisme transitoire est quant à lui construit comme l’espace de neutralisation de toute possibilité de luttes et est même érigé en agent de conciliation de visions urbaines qui, par ailleurs, s’opposent. L’article fait l’hypothèse que cette absence apparente de conflictualité à l’œuvre au sein de l’Urbanisme transitoire est en réalité le fruit d’un important travail argumentatif. Il avance également que cette non-conflictualité n’est pas atteinte à l’issue de prises de position discursives contradictoires dont l’une aurait été combattue avec succès, mais qu’elle est façonnée par la délimitation d’un espace sémantique au sein duquel il n’est précisément pas possible d’engager une position de combat. Il s’attache ainsi à déceler les processus sémantiques à l’œuvre dans cette pseudo-dépolitisation unilatérale et à décrire ce que nous nommerons la neutralisation naturalisante, où l’annihilation de toute possibilité de luttes conforte la position dominante, et renforce la puissance d’agir, non pas des habitants, mais de ceux qui contrôlent déjà la ville
Discussions surrounding the improvement of decision‐making processes like environmental impact assessment (EIA) often emphasize pluralism in the knowledge generation process, in an effort to increase ...effectiveness. However, empirical research indicates that such attempts to integrate multiple ways of knowing often fall short and significant knowledge conflicts remain. Scholars suggest this may be due to inadequate attention to power in the regulatory arena. The purpose of this study is to examine how power and knowledge influence the process and outcome of EIA in a participatory context. We develop a case study analysis of the Muskrat Falls hydroelectric project, located in Labrador, Canada. We use situational analysis to analyze documents produced over the course of the EIA and semi‐structured interviews. We find evidence of pluralism in knowledge production in the EIA process, but a distinct knowledge hierarchy in EIA outcome. We argue that this knowledge hierarchy is achieved through depoliticization of the EIA process. In particular, we identify the concept of “project inertia” as a distinct mechanism of depoliticization present in EIA and make policy prescriptions to improve the Canadian EIA process. This research contributes to broader theoretical discussions about pluralism in decision‐making processes.
Key Messages
There is evidence of knowledge horizontality in EIA process and hierarchy in EIA outcome.
Project inertia is a mechanism of depoliticization particular to EIA, and influences its process and outcome.
Lessons learned from Muskrat Falls suggest that project inertia and power inequalities can be addressed through the formation of knowledge coalitions, among other policy prescriptions.
Hiérarchie des connaissances et mécanismes du pouvoir dans l’évaluation des impacts environnementaux : Quelques leçons du projet hydroélectrique de Muskrat Falls
Les discussions entourant l'amélioration des processus décisionnels tels que l'évaluation des impacts environnementaux (EIE) mettent souvent l'accent sur le pluralisme dans le processus de production de connaissances, dans un effort pour accroître l'efficacité. Toutefois, les recherches empiriques indiquent que de telles tentatives pour intégrer des connaissances diverses sont souvent insatisfaisantes et que des conflits importants demeurent. Des universitaires suggèrent que ceci puisse être dû au manque d'attention porté à la question du pouvoir dans le domaine réglementaire. Le but de la présente étude est donc d'examiner la façon dont le pouvoir et les connaissances influencent le processus et les résultats de l'EIE dans un contexte participatif. Pour ce faire, nous effectuons une étude de cas du projet hydroélectrique de Muskrat Falls, situé au Labrador, au Canada. Nous utilisons l'analyse situationnelle pour scruter les documents produits dans le cadre de l'EIE ainsi que des entrevues semi‐structurées. Nous avons remarqué des preuves du pluralisme dans la production de connaissances reliée à l'EIE mais il subsiste une hiérarchie distincte des connaissances dans les résultats de l'EIE. Nous faisons valoir que cette hiérarchie des connaissances prend place par le biais de la dépolitisation du processus d'EIE. Plus particulièrement, nous identifions le concept « d'inertie du projet » comme mécanisme distinct de dépolitisation présent dans l'EIE et nous faisons des recommandations visant à améliorer le processus canadien d'EIE. Par ailleurs, cette recherche contribue aux discussions théoriques plus larges au sujet du pluralisme dans les processus décisionnels.
In 1988, Canada’s federal Parliament faced the challenge of addressing the legal status of abortion after the Supreme Court of Canada, in R. v. Morgentaler, struck down existing restrictions. In the ...resulting legal void, the Progressive Conservative (PC) federal government found itself under pressure to act. Examining parliamentary debates and recently released cabinet documents from the period of January 1988 to May 1990, this paper asks how the federal government managed the abortion issue following R. v. Morgentaler, including creating and defending legislation as a policy solution. This paper identifies politicising and depoliticising procedures (i.e., legislation and motions) that framed the issue in a way that that allowed the government to take action on the abortion issue while maintaining distance as it crafted and defended legislation. This paper reconstructs the frames that presented government legislation (Bill C-43) as “balanced” and uses the theoretical concepts of politicisation and depoliticisation to show how the frames alternately pushed and pulled the government towards and away from the abortion issue. These frames worked by deferring responsibility to other levels of government and the private sphere, as well as by invoking fatalism by highlighting the intransigency of abortion, the constraints that limit government action, and the necessity of pursuing only the government’s proposed solution. Although the frames serve to justify the frame of a “balanced” solution, their inherent contradictions and tensions point to fractures within the narrative of Bill C-43 as a “balanced” solution and may help explain the legislation’s failure.
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