Si l’histoire traditionnelle de l’hérésie au Moyen Âge s’est longtemps confondue avec celle des exclus de la société, l’approche récente se focalise davantage sur les diverses autorités qui, au cœur ...du pouvoir, élaborent l’orthodoxie : l’hérésie n’existe que parce que l’orthodoxie en a d’abord décidé. Cette enquête repose sur la conviction que c’est encore en se situant aux marges de l’hérésie, au contact d’activités répréhensibles voisines, telles que l’usure, la sorcellerie ou encore la rébellion politique, que l’on peut le mieux saisir les principes et les mécanismes de la fabrique de l’hérésie. 4e de couverture
•Sexual and gender diversity among youth indigenous peoples.•Rural Mayan youth sex-gender dissidents in southeast Mexico.•Mayan gender identities beyond the binary sex-gender system.•Mayan revolution ...of dissidence affections.
The link between female and male energies from the Mayan epistemology gives space to gender categories beyond the colonial binary sex-gender system that are still being embodied by contemporary teenage sex-gender dissidences from rural communities. Objective: This article aims to analyze, with a postcolonial and non-binary gender perspective, the violence and self-care strategies of two Tseltal Mayan youths who openly live sexualities and genders dissident to hetero-cis-normativity in the rural community of San Juan Cancuc, Mexico. Measure: The study followed an ethnography and autobiographical method design, supported by 3 in-depth interviews to each participant between 14–17 years old, self-identifying as Tseltal Mayan, with an open sex dissident life: one Cis-Male with a fluid gender identity and one Antsil-Winik, a non-binary Tseltal Maya gender. Security protocols were used to create safe conditions to each participant in the study. The importance of the linguistic and cultural two-way translation process between Tseltal and Spanish was considered as well. Results: The study revealed the multifactorial violence against rural Mayan teenage sex-gender dissidents in their own communities and in diverse social spheres. That violence increases if the teenager expresses a gender identity like Antsil-Winik, which breaks the binary sex-gender system. Conclusions: Family support, access to education and healthcare, bilingual abilities (Tseltal-Spanish) and migrations become important tools to create emancipation conditions and solidarity actions among the Tseltal teenage sex-gender dissidences.
The Communist Party's reign in Czechoslovakia (1948-1989) saw the persecution of thousands of individuals. The State Security campaign "Asanace" (meaning "sanitation") was conducted to expel critics ...of the regime from the country using psychological and physical terror. Although stories of dissidents are frequently presented in public spaces, little is known about the experiences of their children.
To address this gap, we conducted interpretative phenomenological analyses of semi-structured in-depth interviews with five adult descendants of Czechoslovakian dissidents.
Our analyses revealed that while participants appreciated and were inspired by their parents' dissident activities, they tend to distance themselves from it in order not to live in their parents' shadow. Furthermore, for them, the "Asanace" campaign primarily meant emigration, which in turn affected their sense of self and (national) identity dispersion. Consequently, they experienced feelings of being uprooted and different. Furthermore, they faced challenges acculturating. However, they also recognized their resilience as being rooted in their migration experience and the legacy of their parents' dissidence.
By highlighting intergenerational differences and the impact of family legacy on individuals' strengths and weaknesses, this study contributes to our understanding of the psychological consequences of living in, escaping from and adjusting to life beyond oppressive regimes.
This article explains temporal variation in repression as a function of the “dissident calendar,” the set of events that serve as natural focal points for coordination. The core argument is that ...regimes can anticipate the events that create these focal points and engage in preemptive repression to survive their passing. This dynamic produces predictable, often cyclical patterns in repression. An analysis of dissident detentions in China from 1998 to 2014 shows that “focal events” alone appear to be responsible for more than 20 percent of dissident detentions over the analysis period. Such detentions tend to be shorter and rely less on formal criminal procedures, suggesting a “catch-and-release” dynamic. Additional analysis of detentions in Tibet shows how the calendar may vary by issue or group.
Saberes en movimiento is a collective contribution in social and legal sciences to studies on migration in Chile. The editorial project emerged as a strategy to articulate three independent academic ...contexts: a thesis competition and two research projects under the direction of the editor of this volume. These initiatives were approaching and enriching each other with their diverse theoretical and epistemological perspectives, coming to converge in three fundamental ideas for this field of study: the commitment to favor a plurality of views in the production of knowledge, the importance of the human rights approach to address migrations and the need for critical reflection to contribute to plural and inclusive societies.
Why, when, and how does populism emerge in a stable democracy? This article investigates the political logic and ideological appeal of a rarely explored form of populism: technocratic populism. ...Technocratic populism uses the appeal of technical expertise to connect directly with the people, promising to run the state as a firm, while at the same time delegitimizing political opponents and demobilizing the electorate by instilling civic apathy. Technocratic populism is an anti-elite ideology that exploits competence to create the appearance of authenticity and proximity to ordinary people. It is less exclusionary than nativist or economic forms of populisms and its broad appeal is therefore arguably more threatening to representative democracy. In order to understand the appeal of technocratic populism, as well as why it arises at critical junctures when dominant ideologies are in turmoil, we argue that one must not ignore its historical roots, which shows that it transcends both regime changes and the traditional left–right divide. The article develops and examines these points using evidence from communist-era populist campaigns against “elitist” dissidents (from Charter 77) in the Czech Republic, and demonstrates how post-1989 politicians have exploited and also adapted ideas and strategies from the authoritarian past for the new democratic setting. The article highlights the adaptive character of technocratic populism across political regimes.
Der Samizdat entstand Ende der 1950er Jahre in der Sowjetunion als Reaktion auf die strengen Restriktionen im offiziellen Literaturbetrieb. Der Leser war im Samizdat nie nur Leser. Häufig sorgte er ...für die Produktion, die Materialbeschaffung, den Vertrieb und die Lagerhaltung der Texte. Das Lesen und die Weitergabe der Samizdat-Literatur erfolgten oft in der Familie und im Freundeskreis, denn es bedurfte des gegenseitigen Vertrauens und zuverlässiger Netzwerke. Die Praxis des Samizdat stellte so einen sozialen und ethischen Gegenentwurf zur staatlich verordneten Kultur der sowjetischen Gesellschaft dar.
Samizdat was created in the Soviet Union at the end of the 1950s as a response to the stringent restrictions that applied to the official literary output. Samizdat readers were more than just readers. Often, they were involved in the production, procurement of materials, sale and storage of the texts. Samizdat literature was often read and passed around within the family and among friends, since mutual trust and reliable networks were needed. In this way, samizdat presented a social and ethical countermodel to the state-regulated culture within Soviet society.
How was it possible to write history in the Soviet Union, under strict state control and without access to archives? What methods of research did these 'historians' - be they academic, that is based ...at formal institutions, or independent - rely on? And how was their work influenced by their complex and shifting relationships with the state? To answer these questions, Barbara Martin here tracks the careers of four bold and important dissidents: Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, Roy Medvedev, Aleksandr Nekrich and Anton Antonov-Ovseenko. Based on extensive archival research and interviews (with some of the authors themselves, as well as those close to them), the result is a nuanced and very necessary history of Soviet dissident history writing, from the relative liberalisation of de-Stalinisation through increasing repression and persecution in the Brezhnev era to liberalisation once more during perestroika. In the process Martin sheds light onto late Soviet society and its relationship with the state, as well as the ways in which this dissidence participated in weakening the Soviet regime during Perestroika. This is important reading for all scholars working on late Soviet history and society.
Transgender and gender nonconforming (TNGC) clients have complex mental health concerns, and are more likely than ever to seek out treatment. Written by a team of psychologists and TNGC specialists, ...this comprehensive resource outlines the latest research and recommendations to provide clinicians with the requisite knowledge, skills, and awareness to treat these clients with competent and affirming care.