United States' foreign policy has been extremely influenced by some determinant factors both personal and institutional. However, by the end of World War II, an institution known as interest group, ...played important role relatively to the determination of United States' foreign policies, particularly those which were related to Middle East conflict. A Jewish lobby known as AIPAC (American Israeli Public Affairs Committee) has been the most powerful interest group to influence the United States' foreign policy especially after President Truman's administration. This article describes the internal development of AIPAC and some AIPAC's actions in order to get public supports to influence the decision makers.
Om ’n president uit sy amp te verwyder, is ’n tweeledige proses wat sowel ʼn politieke as ʼn regskomponent behels en agtereenvolgens in die Huis van Verteenwoordigers en die Senaat suksesvol afgehandel ...moet word. Uit die aard van die saak is beide ernstig en gewigtig, maar die spesifieke bepalings daaroor in die grondwet word nie altyd reg verstaan nie. In 1868 was president Andrew Johnson die eerste president teen wie die Huis wel ampsaanklagtes suksesvol geformuleer het, wat die Senaat nie goedgekeur het nie. Voordat die Huis oor amspaanklagtes teen president Richard Nixon kon stem, het hy in 1973 bedank. In 1995 het die Senaat vir president Bill Clinton op twee ampsaanklagtes onskuldig bevind. Die speaker van die Huis, Nancy Pelosi, gee op 24 September 2019 opdrag dat amps-aanklagtes teen president Trump ondersoek moet word met die doel om hom uit sy amp te verwyder. Eintlik was dit meer om ’n politieke proses aan die gang te kry sodat ’n politieke doelwit bereik kon word, eerder as om tot die verdediging van die grondwet te kom en die toepassing daarvan te verseker. Wat veronderstel was om ’n somber grondwetlike aangeleentheid te gewees het, het algaande in ’n politieke sirkus ontaard. Die Huis waar die Demokrate in die meerdheid was, het wel twee aanklagte teen hom geformuleer. In die Senaat kon die Demokrate met hul minderheid nie 18 Republikeine oortuig om saam te stem nie. Toe die vereiste tweederdemeerderheid vir ’n skuldigbevinding as gevolg daarvan faal, het die Demokrate die verrigtinge in die Senaat as ’n skynverhoor veroordeel. In die finale ontleding het dit vir die Demokrate daaroor gegaan om president Trump persoonlik en polities af te kraak en te verketter met die oog op die presidentverkiesing in November 2020.
Wychodząc od usystematyzowania hellerowskiej tezy o matematyczności przyrody, niniejsze studium poświęcone głównie będzie pokazaniu i krytycznej ocenie racji, wedle których Heller desygnuje teorię ...kategorii jako matematyczne środowisko szczególnie predestynowane dla wyartykułowania tej tezy. Kluczowe w tym kontekście będzie wskazanie, co uprawnia go do wprowadzenia mającej istotne ontologiczne znaczenie koncepcji pola kategorii i utożsamienia go z polem racjonalności. Ostatecznie stanie się możliwe lepsze zrozumienie, w jakim sensie w kontekście sformalizowanych teorii fizycznych Heller operuje pojęciem apofatyzmu filozoficznego, który wydaje się trafnie ujmować specyfikę jego poglądów na ontologiczne zobowiązania tych teorii i gdzie być może zbliża się on do niebezpiecznych myślowych pułapek. W swojej apofatycznej postawie Heller pozostaje blisko pierwszoplanowych postaci współczesnej fizyki i noblistów, Alberta Einsteina czy Rogera Penrose’a: fizyka nie mówi o tym, jaka rzeczywistość jest, ale pozwala stanąć na drodze do rzeczywistości.
Starting with the systematization of Michael Heller’s thesis of the mathematicity of the Universe, the inquiry carried out in this article will be devoted to the presentation and the critical analysis of why the category theory can be designated as the most suitable mathematical environment to articulate this thesis. The key task will be to show what motivates Heller to introduce an ontologically pregnant concept of the field of categories and to equate it with the field of rationality. Finally, it will become more transparent in what sense Heller utilizes the concept of the philosophical apophatism in the context of the formalized physical theories. Heller shares his apophatic attitude with such prominent figures of the theoretical physics as Albert Einstein and Roger Penrose: physics does not say what reality is but it places a physicist on the road to reality.
This article describes mutual contacts and shared ideas of two outstanding writers and philosophers, Bolesław Miciński and Ignacy Witkiewicz (Witkacy), who despite a significant age difference were ...close friends. The philosophical problems they raised relate to the interwar intellectual atmosphere in Poland and Europe as well as lively discussions among literary critics and avantgarde writers. Witkiewicz was the first Pole to become acquainted with psychoanalysis; he made it significantly more familiar to Miciński, although their interpretations of Freud’s theory clearly diverged. Miciński was also a strong supporter of the Pure Form theory and realized its propositions in his works. He was also an advocate of a scientific approach to literary criticism through its firm grounding in philosophy. Witkacy was also a patron of his aesthetic views which were most fully set forth in an unpublished thesis, Reality and its Deformation in Art (1937), written under Władysław Tatarkiewicz’s supervision. They were both strongly opposed to any reductionism in philosophy; they were opponents of Vienna Circle physicalism and the anti-metaphysical approach of the Lvov–Warsaw school. In particular, Miciński saw the weakness of analytical thought and sought a more capacious form for philosophy. The final period of Miciński’s work shows a strong objection to totalitarianism and a mechanization of life which was also characteristic of Witkacy. For the author of A Portrait of Kant, Witkiewicz was surely a master of philosophy, but the question of how much was borrowed from the younger colleague by Witkacy, the author of The Shoemakers, remains open.
Studies conducted by political philosophers focus typically on the normative dimension. Grounded in decisions concerning the understanding of the world, sometimes with the participation of a personal ...God, and of man as a part of it, they lay the foundations of the order constituting an analogue of the cosmos, or the result of God’s will or evolution, or the effect of decisions made consciously by the ruling or those who legitimize them. The second dimension is of less interest to philosophers, as opposed to lawyers and political scientists who are interested also in political philosophy. This dimension has an institutional value and is connected with the investigation of “mechanisms” enabling the achievement of normative order. My considerations will involve various propositions in the two dimensions, made by two Polish authors from the 17th century.
The article seeks to elucidate the sense of Aristotle’s proairesis on the basis of selected fragments of the translation and commentary by Sebastian Petrycy of Pilzno. Petrycy renders proairesis as ...“choice or undertaking”. The author shows that the expression is used for a reason and demonstrates that proairesis in the full sense of the word creates: (1) undertaking in the sense of designating the goal to be achieved; (2a) own choice in the sense of a preferential choice, that is, choosing one course of action rather than another; (2b) own choice in the sense of the decision about proceeding with accepted course of action; (3) undertaking in the sense of starting (and continuing) the action leading to the achieving of the designated goal. In so doing, the author proves that Aristotle’s proairesis, according to Sebastian Petrycy of Pilzno, is constituted by “choice” and “undertaking” which are its features or elements. Furthermore, he shows that the activity of proairesis does not end before the action because it does overlap with action, at least in the sense that it starts the action.
Scholars of the U.S. House disagree over the importance of political parties in organizing the legislative process. On the one hand, non-partisan theories stress how congressional organization serves ...members' non-partisan goals. On the other hand, partisan theories argue that the House is organized to serve the collective interests of the majority party. This book advances our partisan theory and presents a series of empirical tests of that theory's predictions (pitted against others). It considers why procedural cartels form, arguing that agenda power is naturally subject to cartelization in busy legislatures. It argues that the majority party has cartelized agenda power in the U.S. House since the adoption of Reed's rules in 1890. The evidence demonstrates that the majority party seizes agenda control at nearly every stage of the legislative process in order to prevent bills that the party dislikes from reaching the floor.
Kotarbinski’s analysis of psychological sentences constitutes one of the main elements of his scientific programme known as reism in a semantic version. The program aimed to eliminate all expressions ...and grammatical forms that reify relations, properties, events and contents of mental acts from natural language. In order to eliminate the contents of mental acts and alleged intentional objects from semantics and ontology, Kotarbiński invented an original paraphrase of utterances of psychological sentences reducing them to pairs of logically independent utterances. In this paper, I briefly present Frege’s and Russell’s solutions of the problem of intentional contexts comprising psychological sentences; I also indicate the philosophical inspirations of Kotarbiński’s reism. The analysis of psychological sentences proposed by Kotarbiński not only solves the semantic problem of the lack of extensional substitutivity in psychological sentences, but also sheds additional light on his reistic ontology. In the end, I briefly compare Kotarbiński’s solution of psychological sentences with Donald Davidson’s apparently similar paratactic analysis and indicate that the differences between the two are the consequence of different versions of monism and different approaches to the problem of truth.
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